Tribes and Totemism in North‐east Australia

Sharp, Robin

doi:10.1002/j.1834-4461.1939.tb00248.x

Cited by 13 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 19 publications

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“…The dreams from the Yir Yoront, one of many distinctive aboriginal societies in Australia, were collected in the 1930s as part of field work by Lauriston Sharp (1934Sharp ( ,1939Sharp ( ,1952, who was intimately knowledgeable about this culture. The Yir Yoront put no special emphasis on dreams and made no use of them in ceremonies.…”

Section: Hall's Vir Yoront and Hopi Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

Finding Meaning in Dreams

Domhoff

1996

374

594

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10987654321All rights reservedNo part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording, or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher vii viii Preface be linked with studies of traumatic dreams and recurrent dreams to suggest there is a "repetition dimension" in dreams that tends to be overlooked because most theorists focus on one dream at a time. I also claim that studies of relaxed waking cognition, such as daydreams and passing thoughts, allow us to theorize about dreams on the basis of new ideas in cognitive psychology. At the most general level, dreams reveal our self-conceptions and our emotional preoccupations, and they tend to be more continuous with our waking thoughts and concerns than we generally realize.Both the accuracy and readability of this book were improved immeasurably thanks to an extremely careful and thoughtful reading of the first draft by one of the leading experts on dream content, Deirdre Barrett of Harvard University Medical School. I am deeply grateful for her time and effort. I also want to thank David Foulkes, the preeminent laboratory investigator of dreams for the past 30 years, for his very helpful and reassuring substantive comments on the second draft of the manuscript, and Richard L. Zweigenhaft, my longtime co-author on social psychology topics, for his frank and useful editorial suggestions on the second draft. My thanks, also, to my colleague Dane Archer in the Department of Sociology at the University of California, Santa Cruz, for advice on statistical questions, and to Mark Mizruchi of the Department of Sociology at the University of Michigan for his important corrections to my statistical appendix. Further thanks go to my colleague Daniel Guevara of the Department of Philosophy at the University of California, Santa Cruz, for his thoughtful comments on what philosophers say about the meaning of "meaning."The help of one of my former students, Adam Schneider, was essential to me in the final stages of the manuscript. He mastered the coding system and did creative work on three final analyses that added greatly to the argument. He utilized his outstanding computer skills to improve the accuracy of the tables and to check many previous calculations. He also caught many errors in his careful proofreading of the manuscript.

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Section: Hall's Vir Yoront and Hopi Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

Finding Meaning in Dreams

Domhoff

1996

374

594

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“…By the turn of the century, up to 600 Aboriginal people lived in fringe camps around Normanton (Parry‐Okeden, 1897, p. 10), while others settled around local cattle stations like Delta Downs, Inverleigh, and Magowra. These people were from different language groups but held aspects of traditional law and custom in common, including related kinship systems enabling intermarriage (Sharp, 1939).…”

Section: The Gulf Country Of North West Queenslandmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Each child, he explained, is associated with a clan through the traditional system, in which a baby spirit was found in that clan's estate. “A spirit child,” Sharp (1939, p. 452) added, is “usually [found] by the father somewhere in his own clan country,” and the father “directs it to the mother whose body it enters.”…”

Section: The Gulf Country Of North West Queenslandmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Cultural loss and compensation in the anthropology of Aboriginal Australia

Martin

2023

American Ethnologist

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Cultural loss has been neglected in the study of Aboriginal Australia. This neglect reflects the impact of changes in Australian society involving the recognition and celebration of Indigenous culture. Yet new jurisprudence relating to compensation under Australian land rights legislation has refocused attention on cultural loss. This article draws on ethnography from North West Queensland's Gulf Country to examine how the concept of loss relates to change. Reflecting on the rise of the juridical notion of a “compensable act,” I ask, When does “loss” occur and to whom, and what solace may be found for cultural loss? I argue that these questions focus attention on the fraught relationship between Indigenous people, anthropology, and the law in Australia, while also offering an opportunity to reformulate those relations.

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“…Kuku‐Yalanji people live in the coastal region of North Queensland, which is bordered roughly by the Great Dividing Range to the west, the Daintree River to the south and Cooktown to the north. In the nineteenth century, there were ethnic subdivisions within this area which had corresponding slight linguistic differences (see Roth 1910; McConnel 1939–1940; Sharp 1939). For the purposes of this paper (and in line with most other writers), I will use the overall term ‘Kuku‐Yalanji’ to refer to the whole grouping.…”

Section: Kuku‐yalanji: a Brief Sketchmentioning

confidence: 99%

Was god ever a ‘boss’ at Wujal Wujal? Lutherans and Kuku-Yalanji: A socio-historical analysis

Anderson

2010

The Australian Journal of Anthropology

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Lutheran missionaries from Germany arrived in 1887 to ‘care for’ and to evangelise to the Kuku‐Yalanji people of the Bloomfield River area of the north Queensland rainforests. They left fifteen years later without having converted a single soul. Was this failure the result of inept missionisation? Was Lutheranism at odds with Kuku‐Yalanji religious beliefs? This paper argues that the answer lies rather at the core of the Kuku‐Yalanji worldview and social universe. Using rich historical sources, this paper demonstrates that Kuku‐Yalanji people—who have particular socio‐territorial ties to the mission lands—instigated an experiment with the missionaries. Their assumption was that the missionaries held a role that was structurally equivalent to that of ‘majamaja’ in their own system—key focal individuals with religious knowledge, power and achieved status operating at the node of a social network on a particular area of ‘country’. The missionaries failed to live up to this expectation and for this and other reasons, Kuku‐Yalanji left and the mission failed with no lasting Christian impact.

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Tribes and Totemism in North‐east Australia

Cited by 13 publications

References 19 publications

Finding Meaning in Dreams

Finding Meaning in Dreams

Cultural loss and compensation in the anthropology of Aboriginal Australia

Was god ever a ‘boss’ at Wujal Wujal? Lutherans and Kuku-Yalanji: A socio-historical analysis

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