Turbulence and phonology

Ohala, John J.; Solé, Maria‐Josep

doi:10.1515/9783110226584.37

Cited by 66 publications

(22 citation statements)

References 74 publications

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“…The fact that the first words containing different manners of articulation are words conforming to a PVF(V) pattern, and the fact that in some of these words post-vocalic stops might actually be replaced by fricatives, is expected from an articulatory point of view: Ohala and Solé (2008) relate the emergence of intervocalic fricatives to phenomena of coarticulation. In some cases, the release noise of stops is prolonged before high vowels leading to the emergence of a fricative.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The acquisition of the stop-fricative contrast in perception and production

Altvater‐Mackensen

Fikkert

2010

Lingua

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The acquisition of the stop-fricative contrast in perception and production

Altvater‐Mackensen

Fikkert

2010

Lingua

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“…Thus, for example, obstruent voicing is expected to be less before nasals, laterals and the alveolar trill than before approximants. The absence of much regressive voicing before nasals and laterals may co-occur with a delay in velar lowering and in the opening of the lateral mouth passages during the obstruent; this could be so since changes in oral pressure associated with nasality and in oral pressure and lingual configuration associated with laterality may conflict with the generation of a highly intense frication noise for fricatives and a perceptually prominent burst for stops (Solé, 2007(Solé, , 2009Ohala and Solé, 2010). As for the trill /r/, the lack of voicing in the preceding obstruent could be related to the high production requirements involved in keeping the tongue tip vibrating for a relatively long period of time, i.e., a sufficient pressure difference across the oral constriction, some tongue predorsum lowering and postdorsum retraction, and the right amount of tongue muscle tension in order to set the tongue tip into vibration (Solé, 2002).…”

Section: Segmental Factors Impinging On Voicing Adaptationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gradient Phonetic Implementation of Regressive Voicing Assimilation in Catalan Heterosyllabic Two- and Three-Consonant Clusters

Recasens

2014

Phonetica

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Electroglottographic data for word-final obstruents in C#C and CC#C sequences with a word-initial voiced consonant indicate that regressive voicing adaptation is a categorical and thus assimilatory process for most Catalan speakers. Word-final obstruents are planned as voiced since they exhibit full voicing or else an initial voicing period which is longer than the voicing lag associated with the vowel preceding the cluster. Segmental duration may also be used by speakers for realizing word-final obstruents as voiced in C#C but not in CC#C clusters. The phonetic implementation of voicing assimilation proceeds gradually: voicing for word-final obstruents differs considerably among speakers and is less for fricatives than for stops and whenever the word-initial consonant is an obstruent or an approximant than when it is a nasal, a lateral or an alveolar trill. The study also reveals that those C1 realizations which are less prone to acquire voicing show more token-totoken variability in voicing and segmental duration and therefore appear to be less tightly controlled by speakers. In conjunction with data from other studies, these Catalan data suggest that speakers and languages with prevoiced stops may differ with respect to the more or less gradient phonetic implementation of the regressive voicing assimilation process in heterosyllabic consonant clusters. © 2014 S. Karger AG, Basel

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“…Finally, the failure for /rs/ to undergo stop insertion and to exhibit a well-defined burst may be attributed to a weak closure resulting from the antagonistic manner requirements involved in the performance of the tongue tip vibration for a syllable final trill and the generation of audible turbulence for the lingual fricative (Ohala & Sol ⁄ e 2010, Sol ⁄ e 2009. A longer oral stop closure for clusters with a laminopredorsal C1 (/¥s,¯s/) than for those with a labial or an apicolaminal C1 (/ms, ns, ls, rs/) appears to be related to differences in tongue contact size.…”

Section: Perception Testsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The phonetic implementation of underlying and epenthetic stops in word final clusters in Valencian Catalan

Recasens¹

2012

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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Data for closure duration and the stop burst, as well as on the duration of the adjacent phonetic segments, reveal that speakers of Valencian Catalan produce differently the clusters /lts/ and /ls/, and /rts/ and /rs/, where /t/ is an underlying phoneme in /lts,rts/ and stop epenthesis may occur in /ls,rs/. Only a subset of speakers contrast the production of the nasal cluster pairs /mps/–/ms/ and /nts/–/ns/. Stop epenthesis applies regularly in the sequences /ms,ns,ls, ʎs, ɲs/ but the inserted segment is only phonetically robust in the two latter clusters with an alveolopalatal consonant and to some extent in /ns/, and practically absent in the sequence /rs/. Differences in prominence for the stop consonant, whether underlying or epenthetic, occur as a function of the segmental composition of the cluster, as well as of utterance position and syllable and word affiliation. In conjunction with results from perception tests, it is claimed that these data contribute to our understanding of oral stop deletion after a (quasi-)homorganic consonant in word final clusters without /s/ in other dialects of Catalan and perhaps other languages.

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Turbulence and phonology

Cited by 66 publications

References 74 publications

The acquisition of the stop-fricative contrast in perception and production

The acquisition of the stop-fricative contrast in perception and production

Gradient Phonetic Implementation of Regressive Voicing Assimilation in Catalan Heterosyllabic Two- and Three-Consonant Clusters

The phonetic implementation of underlying and epenthetic stops in word final clusters in Valencian Catalan

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