Abstract:This article examines the applicability of the ethno-symbolic approach to the study of patriotic Turkish nationalism. In this venue, first it addresses the issue of why many of the existing theoretical models are difficult to use for attending to the case of Turkish nationalism in a comparative framework. Capitalising on the ethnosymbolic understanding of ideological and ethno-cultural continuities in the formation of modern nationalisms, this study provides an analysis of points of contestation regarding the … Show more
“…Analyzing the PRP's nationalism requires a rather broad description of the term, which identifies the origins of nationalism within Young Ottoman and later Young Turk discourses that articulated 'motherland,' 'blood' and 'religion' as the three fundamental tenets of Turkish nationalism. 44 Although it was mainly the Early Republican leadership and the new modern nation-state that institutionalized and canonized 'Turk-ness' as a national identity, the history of Turkish nationalism goes back to the late Ottoman Empire. 45 Thus, many oppositional figures of the Early Republic including the figures discussed in this article were situated within this Young Turk discourse of nationalism.…”
Section: Moral Elitism In Karabekir Cebesoy and Orbay's Conservativementioning
This article examines how autobiography-writing evolved into a political space for Kazım Karabekir, Ali Fuat Cebesoy and Rauf Orbay, three major leaders of the Turkish War of Independence and the Progressive Republican Party. This article demonstrates that their autobiographies articulate a position of political opposition. This is a novel addition to academic literature that has so far presented these figures as early representatives of peripheral dissent against the Republic, or overstressed their Unionist legacy. The autobiographical politics of Karabekir, Cebesoy and Orbay extensively builds on moralizing discourses that contrast their own heroic accomplishments against the rise of a circle of military-bureaucratic elitesetrafsurrounding Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Through textual analysis, this article maintains that the moralizing discourses they use pose a peculiar blend of nationalism and conservatisman elitist conservative nationalism that homogenizes political differences and ideological splits. The analysis contributes to the study of Early Republican oppositional politics and conservative political imaginary in Turkey.
“…Analyzing the PRP's nationalism requires a rather broad description of the term, which identifies the origins of nationalism within Young Ottoman and later Young Turk discourses that articulated 'motherland,' 'blood' and 'religion' as the three fundamental tenets of Turkish nationalism. 44 Although it was mainly the Early Republican leadership and the new modern nation-state that institutionalized and canonized 'Turk-ness' as a national identity, the history of Turkish nationalism goes back to the late Ottoman Empire. 45 Thus, many oppositional figures of the Early Republic including the figures discussed in this article were situated within this Young Turk discourse of nationalism.…”
Section: Moral Elitism In Karabekir Cebesoy and Orbay's Conservativementioning
This article examines how autobiography-writing evolved into a political space for Kazım Karabekir, Ali Fuat Cebesoy and Rauf Orbay, three major leaders of the Turkish War of Independence and the Progressive Republican Party. This article demonstrates that their autobiographies articulate a position of political opposition. This is a novel addition to academic literature that has so far presented these figures as early representatives of peripheral dissent against the Republic, or overstressed their Unionist legacy. The autobiographical politics of Karabekir, Cebesoy and Orbay extensively builds on moralizing discourses that contrast their own heroic accomplishments against the rise of a circle of military-bureaucratic elitesetrafsurrounding Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Through textual analysis, this article maintains that the moralizing discourses they use pose a peculiar blend of nationalism and conservatisman elitist conservative nationalism that homogenizes political differences and ideological splits. The analysis contributes to the study of Early Republican oppositional politics and conservative political imaginary in Turkey.
“…One explanation for the preferential treatment of Balkan Turks is that after the Balkan War of 1912, the migrants fleeing the lost lands of the Ottoman Empire helped to cement Turkish nationalism (Canefe 2002;Köroğlu 2004), especially through what Keyder (2005) calls their 'revanchist' attitude. The desirability of these migrants seems to have stemmed also from their being seen as the last, teetering claim on Europe and Europeanness.…”
Section: The Migration Of the Bulgarian Turks From Bulgaria To Turkeymentioning
“…The Turkish state's coercive and assimilationist practices such as compulsory Turkish-language education and military service together with experiences of discrimination as workers in Turkish cities have contributed to the formation of a radicalized Kurdish nationalist identity (Saatci 2002). Likewise, state policies that ignore the Kurds in official historiography and impose the symbols of Turkish nationalism over Kurdish landscape have stimulated a chauvinistic Kurdish nationalism (Canefe 2002;Öktem 2004). Analyzing the rise of the PKK in the 1980s, Kurdish intellectual Altan Tan claims that the brutal 1980 coup was the primary factor explaining popular support for the PKK (Tan 2009: 399).…”
Section: The Turkish State and Kurdish Nationalismmentioning
The Kurdish nationalists pursue several strategies of ethnic boundary making in response to these constructions of Turkish nationalism. They argue that the characterization of Turkish nationalism as civic is no more than a facade to perpetuate the domination of the Turkish ethnicity. Primarily, they draw narrower boundaries of
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