Turkish–Syrian relations in the wake of the Syrian conflict: back to securitization?

Çakmak, Cenap

doi:10.1080/09557571.2015.1117922

Cited by 15 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…Turkey’s assistance to the Syrian opposition peaked against the Assad regime after Syria shot down a Turkish jet in June 2012 (Çakmak, 2016, p. 711; Öztığ, 2019, p. 120). In response, Turkey called for an emergency NATO meeting and asked to invoke Article IV of the alliance’s charter and sought Western backing for its response (Blair, 2012).…”

Section: Multiple Interventions Power Politics and The Declining Rementioning

confidence: 99%

“…When elaborating the Turkish foreign policy toward Syria as a factor in mapping its leading role bid in the Middle East through intervention, it is almost impossible to distinguish what is internal or external. There are already many studies dealing with Turkey’s Syrian policy (Bardakçı, 2017; Bishku, 2012; Çakmak, 2016; Demirtaş-Bagdanos, 2014; Hinnebusch & Tür, 2013; Okyay, 2017) and its implications, but this article differs from them by attempting to present a specific angle aiming to provide at least a relevant case for further studies on the nexus between third-party intervention and the precedent role of a regional power, which is generally associated with the pursuit of soft power.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 98%

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Regional Power Role and Intervention: The Turkish Case Over Syria in the 2000s

Sever

2020

Contemporary Review of the Middle East

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The article elaborates how Turkey’s relations with Syria, which have been pursued by varying foreign policy instruments and conduct, have greatly affected Turkey’s standing on the Middle East during the 2000s. By employing the relevant concepts, “regional power” and “third party intervention” in the literature, the article aims to explain the changes caused by the Syrian conflict in the AKP’s ( Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi—the Justice and Development Party) foreign policy in a better frame. After the Syrian conflict, Turkey’s increasing intervention in Syria including use of force resulted in a new power projection other than soft power in its regional relations. Neighboring a civil war state caused Ankara to organize its relations with Syria and the Middle East in a new context which requires new mechanisms, new partnerships, and new interpretations in the face of rising nongovernmental armed groups, refugee flows, changing regional alignments, and diverging interests with its major Western allies.

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Section: Multiple Interventions Power Politics and The Declining Rementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 98%

Regional Power Role and Intervention: The Turkish Case Over Syria in the 2000s

Sever

2020

Contemporary Review of the Middle East

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“…Ahmet Davutoğlu'nun stratejik derinlik politikası da söz konusu ilişkilerin artmasında etkili olan başka bir faktördür (Balcı ve Miş, 2008;Aras ve Görener, 2010). Davutoğlu (2008) (Demirtaş -Bagdonas, 2014;Demirtaş, 2013;Çakmak, 2016;Akbarzadeh ve Barry, 2017). (1991)(1992)(1993)(1994)(1995) ve RP-DYP(1996-1997…”

Section: Analiz Ve Sonuçlarunclassified

“…Kültürel ilişkilerin arttırılması pek çok araştırmacı tarafından dile getirilmiş olmasına rağmen, sayısal olarak bu artışı ortaya koyan çalışmalar ne yazık ki mevcut değildir. Yine de, araştırmalar Türkiye'nin Ortadoğu ülkelerinde okullar açmak ve bu ülkelerden gelen öğrencilere burs vermek gibi eğitim politikalarını (Kirişçi, 2011; (Özpek ve Demirağ, 2014;Çakmak, 2016;Özdamar et al, 2014;Oğuzlu, 2016;Parlar Dal, 2016 Hipotez 2: AKP iktidarı döneminde Türkiye'nin Ortadoğu politikasında yumuşak güç kullanımına verilen önem artmıştır.…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

Uluslararası Antlaşmaların Analizi Üzerinden Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi Döneminde Türkiye’nin Değişen Ortadoğu Politikası

Akdağ¹,

Çakir²

2019

International Journal of Political Science and Urban Studies

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Orcid: 0000-0002-3481-4876 gerisinde kaldığına işaret etmektedir. İkinci olarak veriler, literatürün iddia ettiğinin tersine sert güç kullanımında bir azalmaya veya yumuşak güç kullanımında bir artışa işaret etmemektedir. Aksine ikinci ve üçüncü AKP dönemlerinde güvenlik konularıyla ilgili yapılan antlaşmalarda belirgin bir artış göze çarpmaktadır. Üçüncü olarak, Ortadoğu ülkeleri ile imzalanan antlaşmaların analizi ekonomi içerikli antlaşmalarda bir artış olmadığını ama enerji, çevre, eğitim ve kültür gibi başka yumuşak güç araçlarının AKP'nin iktidara gelişi ile birlikte baskın hale geldiğini göstermektedir. Dördüncü olarak, veriler incelendiğinde, AKP dönemi Türkiye'nin Ortadoğu politikasında bölgedeki uluslararası örgütlerle olan işbirliği giderek artan bir yön gözlemlense de, önceki tüm hükümet dönemlerinden daha yüksek seviyede olmadığı görülmektedir.

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“…Other proximate countries in the region have also seen an influx of refugees from Syria, but Turkey has borne the brunt of the mass migration (Esen and Binatlı, 2017; Goktas, 2019). Although several studies have addressed the Syrian refugee crisis in Turkey, the focus has been on the social (Yıldız and Uzgören, 2016), political (Cakmak, 2016; İnal and Nohl, 2018), and economic dimensions of the problem (Esen and Binatlı, 2017). Various scholars have long held the view that public perceptions and attitudes toward a subgroup are closely linked to the size of the subgroup within a given population (Semyonov et al, 2012).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Evaluating the impact of Syrian refugees on fear of crime in Turkey

Akyuz

Akbaş

Onat

2021

European Journal of Criminology

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The forced migration of individuals and groups in the world has increased substantially amid extensive regional and international conflicts. A prime example is the continuing civil war in Syria, during which Turkey has become the host country for more Syrian refugees than any other country in the region. Research on fear of crime has focused mainly on fear of crime in general rather than on fear of crime being committed by specific groups of individuals with a shared identity. The current study used survey data to investigate the extent to which the general crime fear among Turkish citizens differs from their fear that Syrian refugees in the country may commit a crime. Consistent with theoretical assumptions of subgroup threats, the overall results of the study show that Turkish citizens’ relational discomfort with Syrians, their perception that Syrian refugees pose a security threat, and their encounters with Syrian refugees in their neighborhoods are significantly associated with the manifestation of fear of general and group-specific crime. Fear of both types of crime was higher among females, which is consistent with previous research; however, contrary to previous research, young people rather than elderly people were more fearful of crime.

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Turkish–Syrian relations in the wake of the Syrian conflict: back to securitization?

Cited by 15 publications

References 27 publications

Regional Power Role and Intervention: The Turkish Case Over Syria in the 2000s

Regional Power Role and Intervention: The Turkish Case Over Syria in the 2000s

Uluslararası Antlaşmaların Analizi Üzerinden Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi Döneminde Türkiye’nin Değişen Ortadoğu Politikası

Evaluating the impact of Syrian refugees on fear of crime in Turkey

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