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Existing research on digital activism in autocratic regimes tends to treat Central Asia as a homogenous entity with similar approaches to how new digital technologies are used for the purposes of state repression. Drawing on Feldstein's taxonomy of digital repression and new empirical evidence, this essay shows that digital state repression varies across the region. The presented findings add to current scholarship in three ways. First, we consider different forms of autocracies within Central Asia as a differentiated geography. Second, we examine the factors which led to a shift in how technologies could be used by autocracies as policy instruments to control their citizens. Third, given the growth of technological innovations that can sustain autocracies, we examine the specific mix of technologies within the different types of autocracies that shape the strategies of repression in Central Asia. The research presents a variegated picture of digitally‐enabled deepening autocratization in Central Asia.
Existing research on digital activism in autocratic regimes tends to treat Central Asia as a homogenous entity with similar approaches to how new digital technologies are used for the purposes of state repression. Drawing on Feldstein's taxonomy of digital repression and new empirical evidence, this essay shows that digital state repression varies across the region. The presented findings add to current scholarship in three ways. First, we consider different forms of autocracies within Central Asia as a differentiated geography. Second, we examine the factors which led to a shift in how technologies could be used by autocracies as policy instruments to control their citizens. Third, given the growth of technological innovations that can sustain autocracies, we examine the specific mix of technologies within the different types of autocracies that shape the strategies of repression in Central Asia. The research presents a variegated picture of digitally‐enabled deepening autocratization in Central Asia.
In the 21st century, new means of information and communication technologies have become an important tool for many countries in terms of expanding political rights and freedoms, forming a rule-of-law state, and achieving the ideals of a democratic society. The paper aims to study trends and carry out a qualitative assessment of the interdependence of the media and social platforms and political culture of citizens of three Central Asian countries: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan. This work aims to fill the existing theoretical gap regarding the issues of mutual influence of political culture and media in the states above. The study reveals the factors of public political participation in the three countries examined through the prism of comparing indicators of public participation in political processes in the context of the development and emergence of new types of media and social network platforms. The paper analyses the essential features of each country’s development of democratic institutions and civil dialogue, considering the role of traditional media and social networks as implementation tools. Based on the experience of the three countries examined, the results of the study give reason to say that the media (including social networks and media platforms) do not have a decisive influence on the formation of political culture. Transformation processes in the sphere above of these countries are fragmentary, affecting to a greater extent issues of individual perception of political processes, as a rule, without significant external manifestation. The findings of the study provide grounds to assert that the theoretical comprehension of political culture in the examined countries is scarcely distinguishable from the concept of political awareness.
The foreign policy of states is often viewed through the prism of the geopolitical, geostrategic or geoeconomic determinants. It is forgotten that in addition to these factors, foreign policy also has a strong human, or personal, factor. This factor is especially evident in authoritarian regimes of the personalist type, in which decisions, including on foreign policy issues, are made by the leader or a narrow stratum of the elite alone. In this case, the personal factor and personal interests of the leader are not limited to other regulators (institutions, elections, etc.). A foreign policy centered on the interests of the first person in this case may differ significantly from what one would assume when analyzing state policy and the national interests of the country. Since power in Turkmenistan is in the nature of a personalist regime, the article attempts to explore, within the framework of the available (very limited) information, the foreign policy of this country from the perspective of the personal interests of the head of state and the Turkmen elite rather than those of the state. In addition to the theoretical framework of the study and a brief personal profile of both presidents, the article also provides examples relating to the two main factors of interest to the leader of the nation and his elite - economic profit and regime security. Comparing the regimes of the first and second president in foreign policy also demonstrates the continuity of the political culture and system in the country. The study shows that the Turkmen regime combines all features of the theoretical conceptions of personalist foreign policy if we look at them as an interrelated complex. The personal characteristic of the president, his almost unshakable position in decision-making, as well as the interests of his entourage, including his family, play a key role in it. On the other hand, the singularity of decision-making makes it easier for those foreign players who have the necessary information about the country’s leader and know how to lead him to the decision they want without regard to other interest groups or institutions in the country.
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