Turning a Blind Eye: Public Support of Emergency Housing Policies for Sex Offenders

Socia, Kelly M.; Dum, Christopher P.; Rydberg, Jason

doi:10.1177/1079063217720925

Cited by 15 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 56 publications

(79 reference statements)

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“…I hypothesize that NIMBY attitudes will influence public support for community-based sanctions since they place convicted offenders in contact with civilians in neighborhoods. Several studies identify respondents with young children in order to capture parents' vicarious fear of victimization as a core, emotional component of NIMBY attitudes (Dum, Socia, & Rydberg, 2017;Garland, Wodahl, & Saxon, 2017;Leverentz, 2011;Ouellette, Applegate, & Vuk, 2017;Socia, Dum, & Rydberg, 2019). I also identify respondents who own their home since these are the people who would be most concerned about property values should convicted offenders move into the community (Lacey & Soskice, 2015).…”

Section: Inter-and Intraracial Divides In Public Opinionmentioning

confidence: 99%

An Analysis of Black–White Racial Differences in Public Support for Nonviolent Sentencing Reform

Wozniak

2018

Race and Justice

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I examine public support for sentencing reform for nonviolent offenders situated within a justice reinvestment context. I analyze data from a survey administered to a nationally representative sample of White and Black Americans. I pay particular attention to differences in support between the two races, and I analyze the degree to which ideological beliefs explain interracial differences. I find that a larger number of both Black and White people support, rather than oppose, sentencing property and drug offenders to community-based sanctions instead of prison, but the likelihood that a person will express support or opposition is related to several ideological beliefs and demographic characteristics. I find that racism and the belief that the criminal justice system is fair mediate the relationship between race and support for sentencing property offenders to community-based sanctions, but race continues to exert an independent effect in regard to sentencing drug offenders.

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Section: Inter-and Intraracial Divides In Public Opinionmentioning

confidence: 99%

An Analysis of Black–White Racial Differences in Public Support for Nonviolent Sentencing Reform

Wozniak

2018

Race and Justice

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“…These types of sex offenses are a potent combination that lead citizens and parents alike to call for social control through law and law enforcement (Harper, Hogue, & Bartels, 2017; Koon-Magnin, 2015; Levenson et al, 2007; Quinn, Forsyth, & Mullen-Quinn, 2004). Furthermore, the public typically perceives those with prior convictions for sex crimes as especially risky of future offending (King, 2016; Klein, 2018; Socia, Dum, & Rydberg, 2017). Because of these culminating factors, individuals who have been convicted of sex crimes have emerged as a focal point for law related to modern social control and fear of crime in American parks and playgrounds.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Over the past two decades, there has been a series of laws which constrain the movements of those convicted of sex crimes in relation to youth-centric locations. They receive widespread support from parents and are perceived to reduce sexual recidivism to keep youth safe (Budd & Mancini, 2016; Comartin, Kernsmith, & Kernsmith, 2009; Mancini, Shields, Mears, & Beaver, 2010; Socia et al, 2017). The core assumption underpinning these geographical approaches, which some scholars characterize as “internal exile”—banishment from a specific social space—is that exclusion will reduce sexual assault (Yung, 2007, p. 111).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Parks, Playgrounds, and Incidents of Sexual Assault

Budd

Mancini

Bierie³

2018

Sex Abuse

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In the United States, certain laws restrict those convicted of sexually offending from accessing social spaces where youth congregate such as parks and playgrounds. However, empirical work to date has rarely described sexual assaults in these locations or tested the assumptions of these laws explicitly. To address these gaps in the literature, we drew on the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) to analyze offender, victim, and crime characteristics of sexual assaults that occurred at parks and playgrounds over a 5-year period (2010-2015). Estimated via multivariate logistic regression, results showed support for these law’s assumptions when analyzing this particular location. However, stranger perpetrators were significantly more likely to sexually assault adult victims versus youth victims. Several other offense features distinguished youth versus adult victim sexual assault incidents at parks and playgrounds, such as the offender age, the use of force, and the injuries sustained by the victim. Collectively, these findings both support and challenge these types of social space restriction laws.

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“…Banishment is not alone in its failings. Like banishment, spatial control mechanisms such as sex offender residency restrictions (Huebner et al., ; Socia, Dum, and Rydberg, ) and civil gang injunctions (Hennigan and Sloane, ; Valasik and Tita, ) have persisted without robust empirical support for their effectiveness and evidence of collateral consequences. Thus, it is important to understand banishment as part of a collective body of spatial social control apparatuses.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Banishment

Torres

Apkarian

2018

Criminology & Public Policy

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Research Summary We test the degree to which a public housing banishment policy specifically deters overall drug and violent offenses in public housing using a stratified sample of 345 individuals, banned between 2004 and 2012, in one public housing authority (PHA). We find that individual offending (trespass, drug, violent, gun, and property offenses) in public housing increases after being banned. Increases in trespass offenses, specifically for male offenders with limited history of offending prior to being banned, primarily explain the increases. Being banned, however, significantly reduced drug and violent offending for individuals with histories of drug and violent offending in public housing. These individuals were arrested when they were banned, which suggests to us that bans alone may not reduce drug and violent offending. Policy Implications Banishment enforcement should be tailored toward drug and violent offenders using focused deterrence strategies. Targeted enforcement could minimize the harm done to those who are violating bans with legitimate reasons for being in public housing, such as those fulfilling familial obligations, while still producing crime reduction benefits. As a benefit, these changes may increase police legitimacy among public housing residents as they watch police in their communities provide fair and meaningful solutions as it relates to crime brought on by nonresidents.

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Turning a Blind Eye: Public Support of Emergency Housing Policies for Sex Offenders

Cited by 15 publications

References 56 publications

An Analysis of Black–White Racial Differences in Public Support for Nonviolent Sentencing Reform

An Analysis of Black–White Racial Differences in Public Support for Nonviolent Sentencing Reform

Parks, Playgrounds, and Incidents of Sexual Assault

Banishment

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