Turnout Under Semipresidentialism

Elgie, Robert; Fauvelle-Aymar, Christine

doi:10.1177/0010414012463903

Cited by 19 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 49 publications

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“…Turnout functions in highincome countries are different from low-income countries (Stockemer, 2015). Turnout at legislative elections varies inversely with presidential power (Elgie and Fauvelle-Aymar, 2012). Moreover, turnout determinants in democracies are different from those in non-democracies (Martinez i Coma, 2016).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 93%

Ethnic diversity decreases turnout. Comparative evidence from over 650 elections around the world

Coma

Nai

2017

Electoral Studies

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Ethnic diversity has been shown to play a significant role in public goods provision, economic growth and government quality, to mention a few. However, we do not know which is the impact of ethnic diversity on turnout. In this article, we determine which dimensions of ethnic diversity affects turnout. To do so, we have gathered data from over 650 parliamentary elections in 102 democracies covering over a fifty-year period. Our models and seven complementary robustness checks show that elections in countries with more fractionalised, more polarised and more concentrated ethnic groups have a significantly and substantially lower turnout.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 93%

Ethnic diversity decreases turnout. Comparative evidence from over 650 elections around the world

Coma

Nai

2017

Electoral Studies

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“…Features of the political system can affect the degree of economic voting, mainly due to the clarity of government (parties’) responsibility and the number of electoral alternatives. We control for the existence of a government coalition (as opposed to single‐party regimes) for presidential regimes, which we code as regimes with a popularly elected fixed‐term president (for presidential and semi‐presidential regimes) (Elgie ; Crux et al. ), the number of effective parties at the electoral level (Enep) (data from WZB), and for the period of time since the last elections (Singer & Carlin ).…”

Section: Operationalisationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The three stages of the anti‐incumbency vote: Retrospective economic voting in young and established democracies

Bochsler

Hänni

2018

European J Political Res

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Economic prosperity is the best recipe for an incumbent government to be re‐elected. However, the financial crisis was significantly more consequential for governing parties in young rather than in established democracies. This article introduces the age of democracy as a contextual explanation which moderates the degree to which citizens vote retrospectively. It shows a curvilinear effect of the age of democracy on retrospective economic voting. In a first stage after the transition to democracy, reform governments suffer from a general anti‐incumbency effect, unrelated to economic performance. In a second step, citizens in young democracies relate the legitimacy of democratic actors to their economic performance rather than to procedural rules, and connect economic outcomes closely to incumbent support. As democracies mature, actors profit from a reservoir of legitimacy, and retrospective voting declines. Empirically, these hypotheses are corroborated by data on vote change and economic performance in 59 democracies worldwide, over 25 years.

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“…62 Elgie and Fauvelle-Aymar show how variation in presidential power in semi-presidential systems affects the level of turnout at presidential and legislative elections with turnout generally higher at the former than the latter above a certain threshold of presidential power. 63 While there are various individual studies of this sort, there has been a more focused attention on the relationship between presidential power and both government formation and termination.…”

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confidence: 99%

Three waves of semi-presidential studies

Elgie

2015

Democratization

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This article reviews the scholarship on semi-presidentialism since the early 1990s.We identify three waves of semi-presidential studies. The first wave focused on the concept of semi-presidentialism, how it should be defined, and what countries should be classified as semi-presidential. The second wave examined the effect of semi-presidential institutions on newly democratized countries. argues that the concept of semi-presidentialism remains taxonomically valid, but that the empirical scholarship on countries with semi-presidential institutions needs to respond to broader developments within the discipline if it is to remain relevant. KeywordsSemi-presidentialism; comparative politics; democratization; political scienceIn the 1990s, the long-running debate about presidential and parliamentary government was given new urgency and focus following the collapse of communism. This debate was also marked by the beginning of a new era of work on semi-presidentialism. This article reviews the scholarship on semipresidentialism since this time. We identify three waves of semi-presidential studies. Without implying that work consistent with one wave had to end before another could start, we show that the first wave focused on the concept of semipresidentialism, how it should be defined, and what countries should be classified as semi-presidential. The second wave examined the effect of semipresidential institutions on newly democratized countries. Does semipresidentialism help or hinder the process of democratic consolidation? The third wave examines the effect of semi-presidential institutions on both recent and consolidated democracies, focusing on issues such as government formation and termination. In addition to providing an overview of the three waves of semipresidential studies, the article also identifies three challenges to the contemporary scholarship on semi-presidentialism. The first reflects the shift from the study of semi-presidentialism to the effects of presidential power; the second concerns a more general skepticism regarding the importance ascribed to formal elite-level political institutions on the process of democratization; the third is derived from concerns about how best to study of the causal effects of institutions generally. Having discussed these challenges, the article concludes by arguing that the concept of semi-presidentialism remains taxonomically valid, but that the empirical scholarship on countries with semi-presidential institutions needs to respond to broader developments within the discipline if it is to remain relevant. The definition that was formulated by Duverger in 1970 and that was then popularized in 1980 generated a debate about how the concept of semi-presidentialism should be defined and, by extension, which countries should be classed as semi-presidential. THE FIRST WAVE: DEFINITIONS AND CLASSIFICATIONSDuverger defined a political regime as semi-presidential:if the constitution which established it combines three elements: (1) the president of the republic is ele...

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Turnout Under Semipresidentialism

Cited by 19 publications

References 49 publications

Ethnic diversity decreases turnout. Comparative evidence from over 650 elections around the world

Ethnic diversity decreases turnout. Comparative evidence from over 650 elections around the world

The three stages of the anti‐incumbency vote: Retrospective economic voting in young and established democracies

Three waves of semi-presidential studies

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