Understanding the US–Russia Nuclear Schism

Arbatov, Alexei

doi:10.1080/00396338.2017.1302189

Cited by 12 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…From a military perspective, in turn, the Soviet Union regarded nuclear weapons to be instrumental in its strategic plans for military operations that would ensure its victory in a conventional war that would eventually escalate into a nuclear war. One of the leading Russian analysts wrote: "…For the first quarter century of the nuclear age, the fundamental assumption of Soviet military doctrine had been that if a global war was unleashed by the 'imperialist West', the Soviet Union would defeat the enemy and achieve victory, despite enormous ensuing damage…" (Arbatov, 2017).…”

Section: Nonstrategic Nuclear Weaponsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Russia's new nuclear doctrine. Russian policy of deterrence.

Kleszcz

2023

Przegląd Nauk o Obronności

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ObjectivesThe main purpose of the article is to address the issues arising from the new nuclear doctrine of Russia. An attempt to analyze the document is "Russia's Nuclear Doctrine" as a new tool for the Russian Federation's nuclear deterrent policy. The performance changes over the years in Russia's approach to the use of nuclear weapons in the new doctrine in the times of the Soviet Union in global terms, as well as in the micro-region of Central Europe, especially during the war in Ukraine.MethodsThe article is theoretical and descriptive. The main research methods and techniques included in the work are: analysis and synthesis of literature; comparative method; inductive and deductive method.ResultsAn attempt was made to analyze the document "Russia's Nuclear Doctrine" as a new tool for the Russian Federation's nuclear deterrent policy. A presentation of how Russia's approach to the use of nuclear weapons has changed over the years.ConclusionsThe Russian approach to nuclear deterrent policy is changing and is often used as flexibly as Russia's policy towards the West is forged in a given situation - to build its own political interests. All this is very efficiently and sophisticatedly applied in society by means of propaganda and media controlled by the authorities, with which the rulers manipulate public opinion. According to the decree, the threshold for Russia's use of nuclear weapons remains unchanged and is relatively high. The essence of the Russian doctrine is the uncertainty of a potential adversary as to when it will be used.

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Section: Nonstrategic Nuclear Weaponsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Russia's new nuclear doctrine. Russian policy of deterrence.

Kleszcz

2023

Przegląd Nauk o Obronności

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“…It has always been an indicator of relations between these two superpowers and a symbol of their willingness to disarm (Müller and Schörnig 2006). In nuclear arms control, the United States and Russia have often met on the basis of very different positions, but negotiations have helped to reconcile different interests and understandings (Arbatov 2016(Arbatov , 2017. The Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 was the wake-up signal that prompted the Soviet Union and the United States to begin arms control negotiations regarding their strategic nuclear forces.…”

Section: A Short History Of Nuclear Arms Controlmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Deep Crisis of Nuclear Arms Control and Disarmament: The State of Play and the Challenges

Neuneck

2019

Journal for Peace and Nuclear Disarmament

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After the golden age of arms control, Russia and the United States are no longer engaged in arms control negotiations. The landmark Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty was officially terminated on 2 August 2019, and the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START) expires in February 2021. The continued political alienation between Russia and the West, combined with new military-technological developments, will undermine strategic stability. A new arms race is looming with severe implications for global nuclear disarmament, nonproliferation, and regional stability. Neither superpower seems to have a strategy for developing arms control and disarmament. On the contrary, both sides are pursuing costly programs to replace and modernize their Cold War strategic arsenals. A more ambitious approach is necessary for further reductions in nuclear arsenals and the extension of longstanding arms control commitments. The collapse of the INF Treaty could have been prevented by reciprocal inspections to verify treaty compliance. The United States and Russia can agree to extend New START to 2026 and to undertake a wider and structured discussion about what they could do to enhance strategic stability. Such a model must take into account third-country actors, missile defense, precision-guided conventional strike systems, and future actions in outer space and cyberspace. NATO and Russia need to launch a substantive dialogue on how to reduce the risk of hazardous military activities and to prevent military escalation caused by accidents and miscalculations. Other nuclear-armed states and their different types of delivery systems must be part of the disarmament process.

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“…Ігноруючи у дусі політичного реалізму реалії дестабілізованої через агресивні дії Москви міжнародної системи, провідний російський фахівець у царині ЯЗ А. Арбатов прагне довести, що необхідно вести у питаннях ядерної безпеки та роззброєння «бізнес як зазвичай», адже Радянському Союзу та США це вдавалося [32]. При цьому він стверджує: «З 2012 р. радянська спадщина було багато в чому відроджена: неадекватний доступ громадськості до надійної оборонної інформації; остракізм незгодних з владою аналітиків; прийняття рішень з військових питань за зачиненими дверима під переважним впливом військової бюрократії і військово-промислових лобістів.…”

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“…-А.К., О.П. ], російська політична влада і воєначальники ніколи не висловлювали будь-яке занепокоєння з приводу можливої реакції США та НАТО» [32]. Далі А. Арбатов вдається до ядерного шантажу Заходу, «пояснюючи» позицію Москви: «Деякі особливості російського мислення, висловлювань і дій щодо ядерної зброї мають Проблеми всесвітньої історії.…”

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The Policy of Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons: History and Modernity

Kudryachenko¹,

Потєхін²

2017

pwh

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The article provides an overview of Ukrainian and foreign sources on the non-proliferation studies and interconnected with it problems of nuclear disarmament and the use of “peaceful” atom. We give little-known facts from the history of non-proliferation, attempts to put nuclear energy under effective international control and reasons why this could not be done. The main content of the article is an analysis of the NPT, IAEA and related international regimes and organizations, successes and failures in implementing the policy of non-proliferation. It is noted, on the one hand, maintaining a fairly steady non- proliferation regime since the entry into force of the NPT in 1970 – now there are only nine states with nuclear weapons, and this number remains unchanged over the past 25 years. NPT regime is almost universal – it includes 190 States Parties and only five remain outside (India, Israel, North Korea, Pakistan and South Sudan). However, according to some forecasts, increasing threat is likelihood of becoming world “widespread nuclear proliferation” in 2030. Features of positions of the US and Russia in matters of nonproliferation policy are studied.

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Understanding the US–Russia Nuclear Schism

Cited by 12 publications

References 0 publications

Russia's new nuclear doctrine. Russian policy of deterrence.

Russia's new nuclear doctrine. Russian policy of deterrence.

The Deep Crisis of Nuclear Arms Control and Disarmament: The State of Play and the Challenges

The Policy of Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons: History and Modernity

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