Unexpected obstruent loss in initial obstruent–sonorant clusters: an apparent example from Basque

Abstract

The apparent loss of initial obstruents in Basque borrowings from Romance (e.g. laru ≪ Lat. claru) is striking. While Proto-Basque is generally reconstructed as lacking initial clusters, the expected repair in loans, based on typology, phonology and phonetics, is copy-vowel epenthesis, not obstruent loss. Indeed, there is evidence for a vowel-copy process in Basque in other loans with obstruent–sonorant clusters (e.g. gurutze ≪ Lat. cruce). We suggest that initial obstruent loss before /l/ but not /r/ is related to Romance developments. In the Romance varieties in contact with Basque, /fl pl bl kl gl/ all show evidence of neutralisation to /ʎ/ word-initially. We hypothesise that obstruent loss in words like Basque laru reflects influence from local Romance languages at a time when Basque lacked /ʎ/. In contrast, vowel copy conforming to Basque syllable structure was the norm in Romance loanwords with clusters not affected by this process.

On the comparative method, internal reconstruction, and other analytical tools for the reconstruction of the evolution of the Basque language: An assessment

“…nevertheless, an adaptation of muta-cum-liquida clusters in Basque with deletion of the stop, as is traditionally assumed, would not lack wellknown parallels (e.g. in the treatment of germanic loanwords in Finnish), even if it is not the cross-linguistically most common adaptation, as Blevins & egurtzegi (2017) also acknowledge. In any event, Blevins & egurtzegi's (2017) work forces us to entertain the hypothesis that pre-oCB may not have had a stop+/l/ > /l/ sound adaptation in some words, the relevant cluster simplification having taken place in the romance source instead.…”

“…in the treatment of germanic loanwords in Finnish), even if it is not the cross-linguistically most common adaptation, as Blevins & egurtzegi (2017) also acknowledge. In any event, Blevins & egurtzegi's (2017) work forces us to entertain the hypothesis that pre-oCB may not have had a stop+/l/ > /l/ sound adaptation in some words, the relevant cluster simplification having taken place in the romance source instead. (But see, e.g., Lat placet > laket 'please').…”

“…It is just that the evidence does not seem to be there for many of these words. This is a point that Blevins & egurtzegi (2017) explicitly address. nevertheless, an adaptation of muta-cum-liquida clusters in Basque with deletion of the stop, as is traditionally assumed, would not lack wellknown parallels (e.g.…”