„Unser Land kann mehr…“

Geise, Stephanie

doi:10.1007/s12392-010-0251-y

Cited by 4 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 37 publications

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“…In Germany, this coherence is less pronounced (cf. Geise, 2010) and not stable over time. During the election campaign of 2005 the CDU generally did not, but the SPD did use informative content on election posters.…”

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confidence: 95%

“…The two big German parties alone (Christian-Democratic party [ CDU ] and Social-Democratic party [ SPD ]) placed about 17,000 election posters during the federal election campaign of 2013 (Geise & Leidecker, 2015). Election posters are subject of many case studies, both for German and European elections (Dezelan & Maksuti, 2012; Dumitrescu, 2010; Geise, 2010; Geise & Leidecker, 2015). However, with some notable exceptions (e.g., negative campaigning: Leidecker, 2010; spontaneous affective reaction: Geise & Brettschneider, 2010), election posters have rarely been used as stimulus materials for experimental psychological research.…”

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confidence: 99%

“…The display of policy content also plays a communicative role within political culture. An election campaign that communicates political issues helps citizens to understand and integrate relevant topics and strengthens political participation (Geise, 2010). Parties therefore play an important role in the structuring of public opinion (Slothuus & de Vreese, 2010).…”

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confidence: 99%

“…In view of these advantages the question arises, why campaigners refrain from depicting informative content on election posters. First of all, as Geise (2010) describes in detail, the usage of informative content has to be coherent with the contemporary situation and strategies of a political party. However, one general apprehension could be that many voters might be unable to understand and appreciate more detailed policy content on election posters.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Election Poster Persuasion

Schott

Wolf

2018

Social Psychology

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Abstract. We examined the effect of presenting unknown policy statements on German parties’ election posters. Study 1 showed that participants inferred the quality of a presented policy from knowledge about the respective political party. Study 2 showed that participants’ own political preferences influenced valence estimates: policy statements presented on campaign posters of liked political parties were rated significantly more positive than those presented on posters of disliked political parties. Study 3 replicated the findings of Study 2 with an additional measure of participants’ need for cognition. Need for cognition scores were unrelated to the valence transfer from political parties to policy evaluation. Study 4 replicated the findings of Studies 2 and 3 with an additional measure of participants’ voting intentions. Voting intentions were a significant predictor for valence transfer. Participants credited both their individually liked and disliked political parties for supporting the two unknown policies. However, the credit attributed to the liked party was significantly higher than to the disliked one. Study 5 replicated the findings of Studies 2, 3, and 4. Additionally, participants evaluated political clubs that were associated with the same policies previously presented on election posters. Here, a second-degree transfer emerged: from party valence to policy evaluation and from policy evaluation to club evaluation. Implications of the presented studies for policy communications and election campaigning are discussed.

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confidence: 95%