Updating the typology of definiteness: Evidence from bare nouns in Shan

Abstract

This paper demonstrates that bare nouns in Shan (Tai-Kadai) can express both unique and anaphoric definiteness, a distinction first noted by Schwarz (2009). This pattern of data as well as similar patterns found in Serbian and Kannada motivate adding a category to the typology of definiteness marking described by Jenks (2018) to include languages that allow bare nouns to express anaphoric definiteness. An extended type-shifting analysis offers an account of the availability of bare noun anaphora, as well as the other bare noun interpretations, such as the indefinite, generic, and kind interpretations. Variation in the use of bare nouns versus more marked anaphoric expressions is tied to pragmatic factors such as what anaphoric definite expressions are available in the language, contrast, information structure, and potential ambiguity of nominal expressions. This account proposes that a constrained semantic account of the interpretations of nominal expressions combined with a pragmatic account of their use can model much of the cross-linguistic data on definiteness.

Indexed definiteness

“…Suppose instead idx is not part of the extended projection of DP, but instead a feature which freely combines with any lexical or functional category, resulting in an indexed counterpart of 2 See also Ahn (2019); Maroney (2021) for recent refinements of this typology, as well as discussion of bare noun languages which do not make such a distinction. that category.…”