2009
DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-2338.2008.00517.x
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Urban labour, voice and legitimacy: economic development and the emergence of community unionism

Abstract: Community unionism has emerged in the past decade as a growing strand of industrial relations research and is influencing trade union strategies for renewal. This article seeks to further develop the concept, while exploring the potential roles for unions in communities subject to projects of urban regeneration.

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Cited by 10 publications
(7 citation statements)
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“…Non-traditional employment actors (including faith groups, civil-society organizations, and NGOs) have taken to organizing in places and spaces where the labour movement is neither visible, nor particularly active (Abbott, et al 2012;Buttigieg, et al 2009;Cornfield, et al 1998;Holgate 2009;Wills 2001), thus challenging academics to rethink the terrain upon which industrial relations played out (Rainnie, et al 2007). However, despite the bourgeoning literature on community unionism and social movement unionism over the last few decades (Banks 1992;Clawson 2003;Cockfield, et al 2009;Fairbrother 2008;Fine 2005;Greer 2008;Martínez Lucio and Perrett 2009;Moody 1997;Parker 2008;Symon and Crawshaw 2009;Tufts 1998;Turner and Hurd 2001;Wills 2001) advocating unions to build alliances and coalitions to widen their spheres of influence, this approach is not without its critics. Although supporters of social movement unionism would argue that, the potential for unions is a locally-focused, more engaged membership that is 'embedded in the workplace and equally importantly in the community, where a distinctive and transformative union identity may be forged and promoted' (Fairbrother 2008: 213), others feel that much of the analysis of social movement unionism is often treated as an 'adjunct to existing trade union practice' and where there is little consideration of both form and content of different social movement strategies (Upchurch, et al 2014: 35) Despite this particular critique, the literature on social movements (going back decades) has provided industrial relations scholars with much of the theoretical underpinning to analyze the different forms of trade unions/community engagement now emerging.…”
Section: Community Organizing and Trade Unionsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Non-traditional employment actors (including faith groups, civil-society organizations, and NGOs) have taken to organizing in places and spaces where the labour movement is neither visible, nor particularly active (Abbott, et al 2012;Buttigieg, et al 2009;Cornfield, et al 1998;Holgate 2009;Wills 2001), thus challenging academics to rethink the terrain upon which industrial relations played out (Rainnie, et al 2007). However, despite the bourgeoning literature on community unionism and social movement unionism over the last few decades (Banks 1992;Clawson 2003;Cockfield, et al 2009;Fairbrother 2008;Fine 2005;Greer 2008;Martínez Lucio and Perrett 2009;Moody 1997;Parker 2008;Symon and Crawshaw 2009;Tufts 1998;Turner and Hurd 2001;Wills 2001) advocating unions to build alliances and coalitions to widen their spheres of influence, this approach is not without its critics. Although supporters of social movement unionism would argue that, the potential for unions is a locally-focused, more engaged membership that is 'embedded in the workplace and equally importantly in the community, where a distinctive and transformative union identity may be forged and promoted' (Fairbrother 2008: 213), others feel that much of the analysis of social movement unionism is often treated as an 'adjunct to existing trade union practice' and where there is little consideration of both form and content of different social movement strategies (Upchurch, et al 2014: 35) Despite this particular critique, the literature on social movements (going back decades) has provided industrial relations scholars with much of the theoretical underpinning to analyze the different forms of trade unions/community engagement now emerging.…”
Section: Community Organizing and Trade Unionsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A number of authors including Wills (), Holgate (), Heery et al . () and Symon and Crawshaw () have acknowledged what might be termed a paradigm shift in organising models. Where traditional models of organising centre on the workplace and the ongoing struggle of workers with managers, broad‐based organising, it is suggested, centres on the community and the particular space or locale they occupy.…”
Section: From Mobilisation Theory To Broad‐based Organising: the Commmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Kelly's mobilisation theory is not best placed to account for the mobilisation of the broader community beyond the workplace and the mobilisation of faith groups in particular. However, some authors including Holgate (), McBride and Greenwood () and Symon and Crawshaw () have looked to account for this development principally within the trade union movement. Community unionism is an approach that advocates that trade unions should reach out to the broader community and make alliances with a range of civil society groups.…”
Section: From Mobilisation Theory To Broad‐based Organising: the Commmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In some instances, unions have done this by looking outside the workplace. They have recognised the importance for them and their members of participating in and influencing community conditions by becoming community unionists and seeking to influence public policy on regeneration (Pike et al., 2007; Stephenson and Wray, 2009; Symon and Crawshaw, 2009).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Australian unions have taken limited steps towards community involvement but have often been constrained by their continued focus on representing working people and using the local community to advance their claims (Barnes and Balnave, 2015), rather than representing the broader community. Although deindustrialised regions should provide unions with ample opportunities to become involved with and in the community, union engagement in community unionism has been ‘patchy and distant’ (Symon and Crawshaw, 2009: 151). As Hastings (2016: 314) argues, workers “actions are … driven by what seems practically possible and prudent, based on assessments of what is desirable on an individual and collective basis” and labour’s ability to influence events is circumscribed (Coe and Jordhus-Lier, 2010; O’Brien et al., 2004).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%