Abstract:This study rehabilitates concepts from classical human ecology and synthesizes them with contemporary urban and environmental sociology to advance a theory of urbanization as socioenvironmental succession. The theory illuminates how social and biophysical phenomena interact endogenously at the local level to situate urban land use patterns recursively and reciprocally in place. To demonstrate this theory we conduct a historical-comparative analysis of hazardous industrial site accumulation in four U.S. cities,… Show more
“…This process 'prevented' the black population from living in areas of newly emerging facilities and led to the conclusion that facilities were not sited selectively in black neighbourhoods between 1970 and 1990. Elliott and Frickel (2015) support this implication in a historical analysis of hazardous industrial sites in four U.S. cities, finding a persisting geographical accumulation of industrial sites around the urban core. Moreover, they conclude that the extent of environmental inequality diminished over time due to the increasing churning of white middle-class households into those central areas, where minorities have been overrepresented so far.…”
Various studies have shown that minorities bear a disproportionate exposure to environmental pollution. To understand the causes of this environmental inequality, it is important to analyse which structural conditions foster environmental inequality. This study uses an original dataset by combining the German 2011 census with georeferenced pollution data to analyse the variation in environmental inequality between German cities. While structural characteristics derived from standard theories of environmental inequality do a rather poor job of explaining regional differences, an overlooked indicator correlates strongly with environmental inequality: the geographic centrality of polluting facilities within the urban space. Including this structural measure into the city-fixed effects multilevel analysis accounts for more than 25% of the variation between cities. This highlights the importance of taking geographic conditions into account when analysing environmental inequality.
“…This process 'prevented' the black population from living in areas of newly emerging facilities and led to the conclusion that facilities were not sited selectively in black neighbourhoods between 1970 and 1990. Elliott and Frickel (2015) support this implication in a historical analysis of hazardous industrial sites in four U.S. cities, finding a persisting geographical accumulation of industrial sites around the urban core. Moreover, they conclude that the extent of environmental inequality diminished over time due to the increasing churning of white middle-class households into those central areas, where minorities have been overrepresented so far.…”
Various studies have shown that minorities bear a disproportionate exposure to environmental pollution. To understand the causes of this environmental inequality, it is important to analyse which structural conditions foster environmental inequality. This study uses an original dataset by combining the German 2011 census with georeferenced pollution data to analyse the variation in environmental inequality between German cities. While structural characteristics derived from standard theories of environmental inequality do a rather poor job of explaining regional differences, an overlooked indicator correlates strongly with environmental inequality: the geographic centrality of polluting facilities within the urban space. Including this structural measure into the city-fixed effects multilevel analysis accounts for more than 25% of the variation between cities. This highlights the importance of taking geographic conditions into account when analysing environmental inequality.
“…Other geographers have written about spatio-temporal representation in geographic information systems (Couclelis, 1999) and measurement theories of time geography (Miller, 2005). In environmental sociology, Elliot and Frickel (2015) situated patterns of urban hazardous industrial sites in place through long-term iterative interactions between social and biophysical phenomena.…”
Section: Connecting Structure Space and Timementioning
“…These tract‐level data come from the U.S. Census Bureau's decennial population censuses from 1950 to 2010, which are compiled and made publicly available by the National Historical Geographic Information System (NHGIS). For all census years, we standardize data to constant 1950 tract boundaries, which means that we observe the same, constant spatial units over time for all analyses — an approach consistent with prior research on socioenvironmental succession (Elliott and Frickel , ). For this standardization, we utilized a spatial weighting method with visual inspection.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Rather, it views city parks more collectively and focuses on their ongoing accumulation through successive waves of urbanization characterized by ongoing intersections of local social and environmental change. Recent efforts to recast urbanization in this light are now breathing new life into the Chicago School's old concept of ecological succession (Elliott and Frickel , ; Freudenberg ; Rudel ). The aim of these efforts is not to depict the growth and change of cities as somehow “natural.” Instead, it is to return to the fundamental point that urbanization at the local level is a cumulative process of ongoing territorial transformation.…”
Section: The Successive Nature Of Urbanization and City Parksmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Recent efforts to revive this perspective emphasize not only the cumulative nature of these dynamics but how, in their unfolding, they entwine social and environmental systems at the local level. In this vein, Elliott and Frickel (, ) have advanced a theory of urbanization as socioenvironmental succession that includes three processes of local, ongoing interaction: land‐based environmental change that accumulates and spreads through cities over time; residential churning that brings different groups in and out of relative proximity to these cumulative land‐based changes; and municipal governance that both engages and intercedes in both processes, often with limited resources.…”
Section: The Successive Nature Of Urbanization and City Parksmentioning
This study examines the historical establishment and shifting residential access to city parks over time. It begins by engaging and extending a theory of urbanization as socioenvironmental succession. It then assembles and analyzes longitudinal data on city park creation and neighborhood change in Houston from 1947 to 2015. Results reveal how socially privileged residents have long enjoyed unequal access to city parks as well as strong influence over where new ones are established. At the same time, growing minority populations have managed to gain more equitable access not by having new parks come to them so much as by moving into neighborhoods where Whites once lived. These dynamics obscure past processes and patterns of inequality while allowing newer, unexpected ones to emerge. We conclude with a discussion of what these findings imply for understanding not just unequal access to city parks but broader processes of urbanization.
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