Urine or You’re Out: Racialized Economic Threat and the Determinants of Welfare Drug Testing Policy in the United States, 2009–2015

Masculinity, Ritual, and Racialized Status Threat: Examining Mass Shooter Manifestos Using Structural Topic Models

“…Incidentally, controlling images, such as the "thug," for which black men are held to account also disallow them from appropriating guns on the same terms as their white counterparts (Carlson 2018). These studies are consistent with a wider body of work showing rising support for a range of punitive policies and social control measures aimed at restoring white (masculine) dominance (Behrens, Uggen, and Manza 2003; Bjorklund et al 2018; Brown 2013; Fox 2010; King and Wheelock 2007).…”

Is there a relationship between welfare-state policies and suicide rates? Evidence from the U.S. states, 2000–2015

“…I focus on participation in the SNAP program because states have a great deal of discretion in determining eligibility and access to welfare programs. States have access to a number of restrictions and practices which they may or may not enforce, from requiring work activity to imposing drug testing (Bjorklund et al, 2018). For instance, states can increase the limit for gross income eligibility for SNAP to above 130% of the poverty line (Klein, 2012;Rosenbaum, 2010), as 30 states did after 2007.…”

“…For instance, states can increase the limit for gross income eligibility for SNAP to above 130% of the poverty line (Klein, 2012;Rosenbaum, 2010), as 30 states did after 2007. All of these practices are highly influential: in fact, participation may decline not because fewer households are eligible, but because fewer eligible households access their benefits (Bjorklund et al, 2018;Loprest, 2012). Participation in SNAP increased following the Great Recession: in 2002, 43% of low-income working families participated in SNAP; in 2010, this figure increased to 65% (Rosenbaum, 2010).…”

Conspiracies and Restorative Violence in American Culture

“…They embrace the illusion that people of color have swarmed into the country as illegal and morally degenerate immigrants (Ramirez et al, 2016), and that black people reproduce in huge numbers and consume resources in gluttonous quantities through lazy abuse of welfare handouts (Roberts, 2017 (1997) Strings, 2019), and this has eliminated opportunities for whites (McVeigh and Estep, 2019; Metzl, 2020). White supremacist ethnonationalism amplifies these long-standing illusions into vast ethnic conspiracies and subversion, that today, massive numbers of illegal immigrants supposedly voted in the 2016 election (Edelson et al, 2017; Udani and Kimball, 2018), that people of color consume the majority of the federal budget through welfare cheating (Bjorklund et al, 2018), and that foreign-born citizens and permanent residents are a kind of counterfeit citizen unless they are white and speak English (DeJesus et al, 2018; Dowling et al, 2012). Because most whites perceive non-white immigrants who don’t speak English as lazy, degenerate, and criminal (Harell et al, 2012; Valentino et al, 2013) and therefore inherently threatening (Harell et al, 2017; Tsukamoto and Fiske, 2018), many whites feel that non-whites can never be trusted citizens under any circumstances (Perry and Whitehead, 2019).…”