Values and Intergroup Social Motives: A Study of Israeli and German Students

Schwartz, Shalom H.; Struch, Naomi; Bilsky, Wolfgang

doi:10.2307/2786958

Cited by 71 publications

(88 citation statements)

References 31 publications

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“…It has proved its fruitfulness in a number of domains, including prediction of behavior (Bardi & Schwartz, 2003), trust in institutions (Devos, Spini & Schwartz, 2002), or intergroup relations (Schwartz, Struch, & Bilsky, 1990). Schwartz and his colleagues , 2005a, 2005bSchwartz et al, 2001;Schwartz & Sagiv, 1995) have conducted research in almost 50 languages, revealing a close to universal set of values differentiated by motivational content.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

European norms and equations for a two dimensional presentation of values as measured with Schwartz's 21‐item portrait values questionnaire

Verkasalo

Lönnqvist

Lipsanen

et al. 2008

Euro J Social Psych

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The present study utilizes European Social Survey (ESS) data to introduce European norms and equations for computation of the Self-Transcendence-Self-Enhancement and Conservation-Openness to Change value dimensions, as measured with the 21-item Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ). Our analysis of ESS round 1 and 2 data suggest that the twodimensional structure and the equations based on this structure are extremely robust. Presenting the two value dimensions besides the 10 basic values offers the advantages of (a) heightened reliability, (b) control of response tendency, and Many researchers have suggested that values can be defined as trans-situational goals that serve as guiding principles in the life of a person or group (e.g., Allport, 1961;Feather, 2002;Kluckhohn, 1951;Rohan, 2000; Rokeach, 1973;Schwartz, 1992). Schwartz and Bilsky (1987) identified five formal features that recur in conceptual definitions of values: Values (a) are concepts or beliefs, (b) guide selection or evaluation of behavior, policies, people, and events, (c) transcend specific actions and situations, (d) are less numerous and more central to personality than are attitudes, and (e) are ordered by importance relative to one another.One of the most influential models of values is the two-dimensional taxonomy of personal values advanced by Schwartz (1992). It has proved its fruitfulness in a number of domains, including prediction of behavior (Bardi & Schwartz, 2003), trust in institutions (Devos, Spini & Schwartz, 2002), or intergroup relations (Schwartz, Struch, & Bilsky, 1990). Schwartz and his colleagues , 2005a, 2005bSchwartz et al., 2001;Schwartz & Sagiv, 1995) have conducted research in almost 50 languages, revealing a close to universal set of values differentiated by motivational content. In most cultures, at least ten motivational types of basic values are distinguished. Schwartz has labeled these universal basic values as: Benevolence, Tradition, Conformity, Security, Power, Achievement, Hedonism, Stimulation, Self-Direction, and Universalism. Even more striking than the emergence of the same 10 basic values is the emergence of the same circular structure of relations among values across countries (see Figure 1).The values are organized according to a modified quasi circumplex model (Schwartz & Boehnke, 2004). On a first axis, Self-Transcendence values (Universalism and Benevolence; i.e., values emphasizing acceptance of others as equals and concern for their well-being) are opposed to Self-Enhancement values (Achievement and Power; i.e., values emphasizing own relative success and control over others). A second axis opposes Conservation values (Conformity, Tradition, Security; i.e., values emphasizing self-restriction, preservation of traditional practices, and protection of stability) to Openness to Change values (Self-Direction and Stimulation; i.e., values emphasizing own independent thought and action and that favor change). The 10th value, Hedonism is located between the Openness to Change and the Self-Enhancement...

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

European norms and equations for a two dimensional presentation of values as measured with Schwartz's 21‐item portrait values questionnaire

Verkasalo

Lönnqvist

Lipsanen

et al. 2008

Euro J Social Psych

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“…These theories focus on perceptions of other groups as failing to uphold moral values, and as willing to break the law and violating basic principles of fairness in order to benefit themselves. Schwartz and Struch (1989; see also Schwartz, Struch, & Bilsky, 1990) have suggested that certain values, particularly prosocial values, are seen as hallmarks of the degree to which people have transcended their prehuman origins and have developed moral sensibilities. To the extent that a group is seen as failing to uphold these values, and thus as immoral, the group is likely to be seen as less than human, and thus as less deserving of humane treatment.…”

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confidence: 94%

Justice, Morality, and the Dehumanization of Refugees

et al. 2008

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Three studies were conducted to test the role of the dehumanization of refugees (through claims that they are immoral) in determining emotional reactions to refugees, attitudes toward refugees, and attitudes toward current refugee policy in Canada. We also examined determinants of such perceptions. In Studies 1 and 2, correlational analyses and structural equation modeling were utilized. In both studies, it was demonstrated that individuals who are higher in social dominance orientation are especially likely to dehumanize refugees, and this dehumanization leads to greater contempt and lack of admiration for refugees, resulting in less favorable attitudes toward the group and toward the nation's current refugee policy. Study 3 was an experiment in which we examined the effects of information presented about refugees on emotions and attitudes. Results demonstrated that dehumanizing media depictions of refugees as violating appropriate procedures and trying to cheat the system cause greater contempt and lack of admiration for refugees in general, which in turn lead to less favorable attitudes toward the group and less support for the current refugee policy. Results are discussed in terms of the functions that dehumanization may serve, and potential strategies for counteracting such effects.

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“…We assume that there are more cultural similarities than differences with respect to psychologically relevant variables between the two Western and the two South-East Asian cultural samples, respectively. The Israeli and German urban areas are rather similar in respect to technological and economic advancement and related development of urbanization and family structure; both cultures share Western individualistic values of autonomy and independence (for Israel see Schwartz, Struch, & Bilsky, 1990; for Germany see Hofstede, 2000;Inglehart, 1990). In contrast, the Indonesian and Malaysian cultures (both including several ethnic groups) share similarities with respect to religion (Islam), economic, and technological development (low urbanization), and widely held non-Western values of social orientation, relatedness, and "symbiotic harmony" (Rothbaum, Pott, Azuma, Miyake, & Weisz, 2000) (for Indonesia, especially Java, see MagnisSuseno, 1997;Mulder, 1992; for Malaysia, especially Sarawak, see Essau, 1992;Essau & Trommsdorff, 1996).…”

Section: Cultural Groups and Their Characteristicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sympathy, distress, and prosocial behavior of preschool children in four cultures

Trommsdorff

Friedlmeier

Mayer

2007

International Journal of Behavioral Development

165

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This study examined emotional responding (sympathy and distress) and prosocial behavior as well as their relations across four cultures in a specific context. Preschool children (N = 212) from two Western cultures, Germany and Israel, and two South-East Asian cultures, Indonesia and Malaysia, participated in this study. Children's emotional reactions and prosocial behavior were observed when interacting with an adult in a quasi-experimental situation. Results showed that children from the two South-East Asian cultures, as compared to children from the two Western cultures, displayed more self-focused distress and less prosocial behavior. Across cultures, a positive relation between sympathy and prosocial behavior and a negative relation between self-focused distress and prosocial behavior were found. The strengths of these relations were moderated by culture. These results are discussed with regard to their cultural meaning in the specific experimental situation as well as to general culture-specific characteristics.Keywords: cross-cultural comparison; distress; observation study; preschool-children; prosocial behavior; sympathy Wolfgang Friedlmeier is now at the Department of Psychology, Grand Valley State University, MI, USA.Parts of this study were supported by grants from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) to the first author (Tr 169/4-1,2,3). The data collection in Israel was supported by grants from the Lion Foundation Tel Aviv/Konstanz, and the data collection in Malaysia and Indonesia was supported by grants from the University of Konstanz to the first author. We wish to express our gratitude to several colleagues for organizing the data collection at these various places: Arie Nadler in Tel Aviv, Israel; Cecilia Essau in Sarawak/Malaysia; and the late Sri Pidada in Bandung/Indonesia. We thank Rachel Seginer, Haifa University, and Holly Bunje, University of Minnesota, Twin Cities, for their valuable comments on earlier drafts. We also wish to thank the anonymous reviewers for their suggestions to improve the manuscript.Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Gisela Trommsdorff, Department of Psychology, Post Box D14, University of Konstanz, Germany. Phone: +49(0)7531-88-2917. Fax: +49(0)7531-88-3039. E-mail: Gisela.Trommsdorff@uni-konstanz.de E-mail addresses of the co-authors: Wolfgang Friedlmeier: friedlmw@gvsu.edu; Boris Mayer: boris.mayer@uni-konstanz.de 1 The terms "empathy" and "sympathy" are sometimes used in a synonymous way. Here, we differentiate the two terms -empathy is the vicarious experience of the other's emotional state and further appraisals may lead -in case of perceived negative emotion (like sadness) of the other person -to sympathy or to distress (see also the definition in the section 'Emotional reactions as part of the prosocial process' on p. 286).

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Values and Intergroup Social Motives: A Study of Israeli and German Students

Cited by 71 publications

References 31 publications

European norms and equations for a two dimensional presentation of values as measured with Schwartz's 21‐item portrait values questionnaire

European norms and equations for a two dimensional presentation of values as measured with Schwartz's 21‐item portrait values questionnaire

Justice, Morality, and the Dehumanization of Refugees

Sympathy, distress, and prosocial behavior of preschool children in four cultures

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