Verb movement and minimal clauses

Drachman, Gaberell

doi:10.1075/cilt.117.08dra

Cited by 18 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…As will be shown later on, the decision to treat tha as an element of the indicative construction and not as a mood marker on a par with na is one of the differences between our analysis and that of Rivero and Terzi (1995) and Drachman (1994). In their theories the particle tha is viewed as mood and thus as part of the Mood Phrase which is followed by negation.…”

Section: Verb Forms Preceded By Paniclesmentioning

confidence: 93%

“…The issues under consideration have been investigated by a number of scholars, Philippaki- Warburton (1994aWarburton ( , 1994b, Drachman (1994), Rivero (1994) and Rivero and Terzi (1995), among others. Here, I will concentrate on: a) the projection of mood, b) the position of negation, c) the distribution of object clitics and d) the status of the complementizer.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Here, I will concentrate on: a) the projection of mood, b) the position of negation, c) the distribution of object clitics and d) the status of the complementizer. I will propose an analysis which differs from both Rivero and Terzi (1995) and Drachman (1994) in the following points: a) They interpret particle tha as mood and place it in the same projection as the subjunctive particle na, while I interpret it as a separate projection occurring between Negation and Infl, b) they place imperative within what they symbolize as IP to the right of negation, while I consider imperative as one of the values of mood, which also includes na and is located at the left most periphery of the verb group, i.e., before negation and c) while their analysis requires a rule of Verb-to-Complementizer movement (V-to-C), to account for the properties of imperative constructions, my analysis needs no such rule. Within the analysis defended here we will take the view, expressed for example by Sola (1996), that the strength of a functional category and therefore the rule of V-movement required to check a particular feature should be restricted to cases where it is motivated by morphological considerations, i.e., when the effects of the movement are visible in the phonetic output.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Functional categories and Modern Greek syntax

Philippaki-Warburton¹

1998

The Linguistic Review

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper supports a close connection between morphology and syntax. It examines the verbal functional categories of ModernGreek and shows that their choice, order and strength explain the differences among various constructions. The particle tha is analysed not as an exponent of mood but of the future within the indicative while the particle na marks the subjunctive. Mood is located at the left periphery of the verb group and only the imperative is expressed by an affix. We claim that only affixal categories (neither logical mood features in Comp nor the particles) motivate V-movement, where the V left-adjoins to the affix. This explains why the verb precedes the clitics only in the imperative while no further movement of the verb to Comp is necessary.

show abstract

Section: Verb Forms Preceded By Paniclesmentioning

confidence: 93%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Functional categories and Modern Greek syntax

Philippaki-Warburton¹

1998

The Linguistic Review

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…See also Philippaki-Warburton (1994) and Philippaki-Warburton and Spyropoulos (1999). For alternative analyses see Rivero and Terzi (1995), Drachman (1994), and Roussou (2000). 13.…”

Section: Received 3 May 2002 Revised Version Received 5 November 2002mentioning

confidence: 98%

“…We will not discuss this alternative here. We just want to stress that ya heads its own functional category (see Rivero 1994;Drachman 1994;Roussou 2000 for alternative analyses of ya). 15.…”

Section: Received 3 May 2002 Revised Version Received 5 November 2002mentioning

confidence: 99%

A change of mood: the development of the Greek mood system

Philippaki-Warburton¹,

Spyropoulos²

2004

Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper traces the steps in the changes of the Greek mood system, from the morphological one of Classical Greek, where mood was fused with tense and agreement within INFL, to the more syntactic one of Modern Greek, where mood occupies its own projection of MOODP. We show how the catastrophic loss of the morphological marking of the mood distinctions in the verb ending during the transition from Classical Greek to Hellenistic Koine was followed by (i) the emergence of a separate projection of a functional category MOOD inside the Comp-layer hosting the subjunctive/ indicative mood features followed by (ii) the grammaticalization of the conjunction hina to the subjunctive mood particle na and its transference from the C head to the separate MOOD head located between the C and the INFL heads and (iii) the subsequent relocation of the imperative from the INFL head to the MOOD head. We show that our analysis is consistent with the theories claiming that syntactic change is associated with formal features and the fixing of parameters.

show abstract