Verb movement in Slovenian: a comparative perspective

Ilc, Gašper; Sheppard, Milena Milojević

doi:10.1524/stuf.2003.56.3.266

Cited by 3 publications

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“…The root necessity modal dolžn-8 still can scope over negation, even though it seems not to raise over it, as shown in (11). 9 The same is true for Slovenian, given in ( 12), which also has preverbal negation and is claimed to lack V-to-T on the basis of adverb order facts (Ilc & Sheppard 2003 Then, there are languages such as Norwegian and Swedish, in which negation is a phrasal adverb (see e.g. Holmberg & Platzack 1995, 17) and the finite verb precedes it in main clauses but follows it in embedded clauses, due to the clause type-dependence of V2.…”

Section: Preverbal Sentential Negationmentioning

confidence: 88%

Modals, negation and movement: a reassessment

Jeretič

Thoms

2023

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This article addresses the question of how root necessity modals are able to take scope over negative operators. Previous work has argued that wide scope readings are derived by syntactic movement of the modal over negation. We argue against this view. Reviewing facts from a number of different languages, we show that the availability of wide scope readings is not conditioned by the clause structure in which the modal is embedded, and we show that deriving the wide scope readings in the full range of configurations where they are found requires a number of complications for the movement rules involved. We discuss other issues for deriving the correct interpretations for modals in various negative constructions, and we outline an recent in-situ account of the modal facts (Jeretič 2021a) which avoids the complications that beset the syntactic account.

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Section: Preverbal Sentential Negationmentioning

confidence: 88%

Modals, negation and movement: a reassessment

Jeretič

Thoms

2023

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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“…Assuming the hierarchical order of the functional projections to be T>Neg>v (3), and the fact that full lexical verbs are base-generated in the verbal layer of functional projections, then ne 2 in the specifier position of the NegP must preceded the finite verb in v (Neg>v). The auxiliaries and the copular verbs in Slovenian, however, move overtly to T (Ilc and Sheppard 2003), so they must precede ne 2 , which is in a structurally lower position (T>Neg).…”

Section: Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Jespersen's cycle in Slovenian

Ilc

2011

linguistica

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The paper examines the syntactic status of the negative marker in standard Slovenian and its Pannonian dialects in terms of the grammaticalisation process known as Jespersen's cycle. Assuming that Jespersen's Cycle can be observed synchronically, the paper focusses on the correlation between the morpho-phonological strength of the negative marker and the syntactic derivation of negative clauses. The data analysis identifies at least three different stages of Jespersen's cycle in modern Slovenian: (i) the clitic-likenegation, (ii) the bipartite negation, and (iii) the adverb-like negation, the first occurring in standard Slovenian and the latter two in the Pannonian dialect group. In terms of the generative syntactic derivation, the analysis proposes that the negative marker occupies three different structural positions: (i) the head of the Negation phrase (clitic-like negation), (ii) the specifier of the Negation phrase (adverb-like negation) or (iii) both syntactic positions (bipartite negation). In addition, the paper explores the question whether the syntactic position of the negative marker determines the semantic interpretation of multiple occurrences of negative elements, in particular, the negative concord and the double negation interpretation. The analysis shows that in Slovenian the morpho-phonological properties of the negative marker and its structural position bear no consequences for the semantic interpretation of multiple occurrences of negative elements.

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The modal cycle vs. negation in Slovenian

Marušič

Žaucer

2016

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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One of the possible ways of expressing possibility in affirmative sentences in Slovenian is with a modal adverb that combines with a finite verb. Under negation, a modal auxiliary must be used instead of the modal adverb. The pattern with a modal adverb that combines with a finite verb is a peculiarity among Slavic languages as well as European languages more generally (Hansen 2005; Van Olmen & van der Auwera 2016). Looking at diachronic data, which reveal an earlier stage without the modal adverb as well as a subsequent stage with cooccurrence of the modal adverb and the modal auxiliary, we propose that the change be analyzed in terms of the linguistic cycle (van Gelderen 2011), with the modal adverb originating as a reinforcer of the modal auxiliary and then grammaticalizing into a modal. The modal-adverb strategy could not generalize to contexts with sentential negation because of the hierarchical order of the relevant functional projections and the characteristics of the negative particle.

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Verb movement in Slovenian: a comparative perspective

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

Modals, negation and movement: a reassessment

Modals, negation and movement: a reassessment

Jespersen's cycle in Slovenian

The modal cycle vs. negation in Slovenian

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