Verbal classes in Somali: Allomorphy has no classificatory function

Barillot, Xavier; Bendjaballah, Sabrina; Lampitelli, Nicola

doi:10.1017/s002222671700024x

Cited by 12 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 25 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…I would argue that a phonological account that derives the allomorphy from a single underlying form is more perspicacious, especially where the allomorph shapes are so similar to each other. Moreover, my account does not violate modularity given that all of the forms are generated by the phonological component (Barillot et al 2017;Faust et al 2018). My proposed analysis has the added advantage of being morphologically unified and compatible with a Distributed Morphology-style vocabulary insertion of exponents (Halle & Marantz 1993).…”

Section: The Phonology Of the Patternmentioning

confidence: 86%

Segment–zero alternations in Galician definite article allomorphy

Ulfsbjorninn

2020

Acta Linguistica Hungarica

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Galician presents an intriguing case of opaque phonologically-conditioned definite article allomorphy (PCA). Though Galician features in the general literature on PCA (Nevins 2011), there is a surprising lack of synchronic theoretical discussion of this specific pattern. The data appears to require allomorph selection arranged in a system of Priority (Mascaró 2005; Bonet et al. 2003; 2007). The pattern involves opaque segment ‘deletion’ and resyllabification, where segment deletion counterbleeds allomorph insertion along with morphologically-specific segmental changes. A Strict CV representational reanalysis is proposed in which there is no true allomorphy (no selection between competing underlying morphemes). All the forms are generated from a single underlying form, thereby undercutting PRIORITY.

show abstract

Section: The Phonology Of the Patternmentioning

confidence: 86%

Segment–zero alternations in Galician definite article allomorphy

Ulfsbjorninn

2020

Acta Linguistica Hungarica

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The reasoning was then extended to consonants, which remain afloat under government (see Scheer 2000:151ff.). Since then, the effect has been extended to various other analyses (see Pagliano 2003, Scheer 2016, Faust, Lampitelli, and Ulfsbjorninn 2018, Barillot, Bendjaballah, and Lampitelli 2018, and Ulfsbjorninn 2020.…”

Section: Floating Consonants and Conditions On Linkingmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…PRIORITY seems to be anti-modular since it mixes phonological and morphological information. Although there are many other such examples of phonologically conditioned allomorph selection (seeCarstairs 1988, 1990, Paster 2006, and Embick 2010, there have been recent moves to reduce examples of allomorph selection with strictly phonological derivations which produce the surface variants from a single underlying form (seePak 2016, Scheer 2016, Barillot, Bendjaballah, and Lampitelli 2018, Faust, Lampitelli, and Ulfsbjorninn 2018, and Ulfsbjorninn 2020.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Nasal Assimilation Counterfeeding and Allomorphy in Haitian: Nothing Is Still Something!

Lahrouchi

Ulfsbjorninn

2024

Linguistic Inquiry

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Haitian has optional regressive nasal assimilation in a vowel-nasal (VN) context: /fami/ [fãmi] ‘family’. It is found also in recent loan-words in contexts where the source lacks phonetic nasalization. This process systematically underapplies in VNs that correspond to vowel-rhotic-nasal (VRN) sequences in French: [ʃãm] chambre ‘room’ vs. [ʃam] charme ‘charm’. We claim that etymological VRN and VR# have a different synchronic description: VRNs have no R, but VR#s do. VRNs crucially contain an empty CV that disrupts the locality between the trigger/target of nasal assimilation, hence the counterfeeding: /ʃam/ [ʃãm] ‘room’ vs. /ʃaCVm/ = [ʃam] / *[ʃãm] ‘charm’. According to this analysis, only VR#s have synchronic R: [tε ‘land’ vs. [ã-teR¸-e] ‘to land’. VR# forms interact with the morphology in interesting ways. Haitian has a case of nonoptimizing phonologically conditioned allomorph selection (PCA), /-a/ after V and /-la/ after C: [lapli-a] ‘the rain’ vs. [ʃat-la] ‘the cat’. However, here VR# forms create opaque and nonoptimizing R-less forms: [tε-a] / *[tε-Ra] ‘the land’ (cf. [ã-teR-e] ‘to land’). This is solved with underlying floating consonants and a prevocalic phonological condition on R. PCA selection is eliminated since the surface variants are generated phonologically from unique underlying forms.

show abstract

“…Even if one maintains the traditional description, Greek would have two conjugation classes in the verbal domain, while there are eight declension classes in the nominal domain (e.g., Ralli 2000;Alexiadou Müller 2008). Similarly, Barillot et al (2018) have shown that Somali (Cushitic), yet another unrelated language, does not really have conjugation classes in the verbal domain, with differences in inflection being reducible to regular phonology; the same cannot be done for the nominal domain, where it is usually assumed that nouns come in various classes.…”

Section: Comparison To Declension Classes In the Nominal Domainmentioning

confidence: 99%

Inflectional classes in Kipsigis

Kouneli

2022

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

In this paper, I provide a description and analysis of conjugation classes in Kipsigis (Nilotic; Kenya). While traditional descriptions discuss two conjugation classes, I show that the morphophonological properties of Class II can be reduced to the presence of a moraic affix spelling out a verbalizing head (little v in theories like DM). On the semantic side, I show that Class II is primarily used for causative verbs, and I identify the verbalizing head as vCAUSE. The analysis highlights three properties of inflectional classes that are relevant for their analysis cross-linguistically: i) there is a close (historical or synchronic) connection between conjugation classes and transitivity, ii) what looks like a conjugation class can be reduced to the spellout of a verbalizing head, iii) there is an asymmetry between nouns and verbs for a number of languages: verbs tend to have fewer inflectional classes than nouns. Finally, the analysis of the Kipsigis facts contributes to a growing body of literature on mora affixation in Nilotic and beyond (e.g., Trommer & Zimmermann 2014), and it shows that such abstract representations in combination with regular phonology are sufficient to derive apparently complex morphophonological alternations. 

show abstract

Verbal classes in Somali: Allomorphy has no classificatory function

Abstract: International audienc

Cited by 12 publications

References 25 publications

Segment–zero alternations in Galician definite article allomorphy

Segment–zero alternations in Galician definite article allomorphy

Nasal Assimilation Counterfeeding and Allomorphy in Haitian: Nothing Is Still Something!

Inflectional classes in Kipsigis

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About