Verse – Prose – Metre

Tarlinskaja, Marina; Teterina, Liliia

doi:10.1515/ling.1974.12.129.63

Cited by 9 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…As Tarlinskaja and Teterina (1974) and Kiparsky (1977) showed, various English poets obey a constraint that simultaneously embodies a right-edge strictness effect as well as a bounding effect. Suppose that a sequence of the form /σα/ is mismatched with the meter, and furthermore suffers from the following double jeopardy: its two syllables are in the same word (the tightest prosodic domain), and moreover the crucial stressed syllable is word-final.…”

Section: Bounding and Strictness Togethermentioning

confidence: 99%

The role of phonological phrasing in sung and chanted verse

Hayes¹,

Kaun²

1996

The Linguistic Review

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This article is a study of the metrics of sung and chanted verse, based on a data corpus of 670 English folksong lines, as well as chanted renditions of the corpus by ten native speaker consultants. Our theoretical focus is on the role of phonological phrasing in metrics. We find that in sung and chanted verse, an especially tight correspondence to the metrical pattern is imposed on linguistic material that is either bounded within a tight phrasal domain or located at the right edge of a high-level domain. These patterns have been observed earlier for spoken verse. But for the phenomenon of metrical inversion, the behavior of sung and chanted verse is quite different from spoken verse. We develop an explanation of the difference, based on the idea that inversion in sung and chanted verse occurs only in those cases where it is the best available metrical option.A further finding is that sung and chanted verse tends to match the number of beats alloted to a syllable to that syllable 's natural linguistic duration. We suggest that the relevant measure of duration is phonetic, not phonological; and that the tendency to phonetic duration matching in sung and chanted verse has a categorial, phonologized analogue in the phenomenon of spoken-verse Resolution.

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Section: Bounding and Strictness Togethermentioning

confidence: 99%

The role of phonological phrasing in sung and chanted verse

Hayes¹,

Kaun²

1996

The Linguistic Review

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“… 8 An alternative approach is a prose or nonsense comparison model, in which expected distributions under the null hypothesis are computed from prose samples (Tarlinskaja & Teterina 1974, Tarlinskaja 1976, Biggs 1996, Hayes & Moore-Cantwell 2011) or from randomly constructed lines (Ryan 2011: 55, Gunkel & Ryan, forthcoming). Ryan (2011) demonstrates that the same intra-heavy hierarchy derived in this section using regression is also derived using a Monte Carlo nonsense comparison method.…”

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confidence: 99%

Gradient syllable weight and weight universals in quantitative metrics

Ryan

2011

Phonology

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“…The second constructor, ‘prose shuffle’, is identical to the previous one, except that it draws words from prose, namely the Caesar and Nepos corpus mentioned above. Finally, ‘prose chunks’ comprises all strings of any number of contiguous whole words from prose that scan as hexameters (on using prose phrases as a baseline to gauge metrical regulation, see Tarlinskaja & Teterina 1974, Devine & Stephens 1976, Tarlinskaja 1976, Gasparov 1980, Biggs 1996, Hall 2006, Hayes & Moore-Cantwell 2011, Bross et al 2014 and Blumenfeld 2015). 8 Only 137 such accidental hexameters are found in 55,751 words of prose.…”

Section: Independent Stress-mapping and Weight-mappingmentioning

confidence: 99%

The stress–weight interface in metre

Ryan

2017

Phonology

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Metres are typically classified as being accentual (mapping stress, as in English) or quantitative (mapping weight, as in Sanskrit). This article treats the less well-studied typology of hybrid accentual-quantitative metres, which fall into two classes. In the first, stress and weight map independently onto the same metre, as attested in Latin and Old Norse. In the second, stress and weight interact, such that weight is regulated more strictly for stressed than unstressed syllables, as illustrated here by new analyses of Dravidian and Finno-Ugric metres. In both of these latter cases (as well as in Serbo-Croatian), strictness of weight-mapping is modulated gradiently by stress level.

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Verse – Prose – Metre

Cited by 9 publications

References 0 publications

The role of phonological phrasing in sung and chanted verse

The role of phonological phrasing in sung and chanted verse

Gradient syllable weight and weight universals in quantitative metrics

The stress–weight interface in metre

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