Visions of Politics

Skinner, Quentin

doi:10.1017/cbo9780511790812

Cited by 122 publications

(112 citation statements)

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“…Ainsi, Susan George, qui est vice-présidente de l'Association pour la taxation des transactions financières pour l'aide aux citoyens (ATTAC) en France, déplore que dans des manifestations altermondialistes « des éléments marginaux ont commis des violences contre des propriétés privées 53 55 . J'entends ici par analogie le processus qui consiste à encourager l'association de certaines caractéristiques particulières à une étiquette, et de créer par le discours une tendance à amalgamer et à considérer diverses étiquettes comme synonymes.…”

Section: éTiquetage De La Dévianceunclassified

Broyer du noir. Manifestations et répression policière au Québec

Dupuis‐Déri

2018

ateliers

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Depuis 1999, il y a eu plus de 2500 arrestations à caractère politique au Québec, dont la grande majorité à Montréal. L’enjeu soulevé ici relève de l’éthique sociopolitique, puisqu’il s’agit de déterminer si les policiers agissent de façon juste à l’égard des manifestants qu’ils arrêtent en masse. Ce type d’intervention policière serait injuste et discriminatoire dans la mesure où il est démontré que les policiers pratiquent l’arrestation de masse non pas en fonction des agissements illégaux des manifestants, mais plutôt sur la base de leur identité politique réelle ou imaginée. Si c’est le cas, les policiers contreviennent au principe libéral de neutralité juridique. L’analyse proposée ici entend démontrer qu’il s’agit bel et bien, dans le cas du Québec, d’une situation de discrimination politique qui mine le respect de divers droits fondamentaux associés au libéralisme politique contemporain. Pour mener à bien cette démonstration, je propose d’importer de la psychologie sociale l’approche de l’étiquetage de la déviance, telle que développée par Howard Becker. Il sera alors possible de démontrer que l’attribution d’une identité déviante et marginale d’une classe de manifestants est la variable déterminante qui explique la répression policière dont ils sont la cible de façon régulière.

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Section: éTiquetage De La Dévianceunclassified

Broyer du noir. Manifestations et répression policière au Québec

Dupuis‐Déri

2018

ateliers

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“…Speaking against P. Servilius Rullus' agrarian reform bill introduced at the beginning of Cicero's consulship, Cicero plays on the idea of property and inheritance, asking if the people would not rather have the territory that belongs to the Roman people remain part of their patrimonio rather than divided up into private lots (Oratio de Lege Agraria contra Rullum, 2.29. [79][80]. The specter that Cicero raises, and it is powerful enough to enable him to marshal popular support against the measure, is that the Roman inheritance will be lost (Oratio 3.…”

Section: Reason and Right Actionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Foucault, Sovereignty, and Governmentality in the Roman Republic

Hammer

2017

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ABSTRACT:The originality of Foucault's work lies in part in how he reverses the question of power, asking not how power is held and imposed, but how it is produced. In both his discussion of sovereignty and governmentality, though, Foucault skips over the res publica; a form of political organization that fits neither Foucault's characterization of sovereignty nor the care of the self. I extend Foucault's discussion to identify a ratio of government around the discipline of ownership by which the res publica was made intelligible, its relations understood, and its logic organized. I end by suggesting some implications for neo-Roman interpretations of liberty as non-domination.

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“…As G. J. Shaw-Lefevre put it, liberalism ''is necessarily progressive, for its aims advance as it succeeds in approaching them.'' 81 By defining their political project as progressive, the New Liberals-as Skinnerian ''innovating ideologists'' 82 -were attempting to harness these characteristics and to use them to drive the party in a particular direction. That direction was not itself intrinsically progressive.…”

Section: Liberals and Socialistsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Defining Progressive Politics: Municipal Socialism and Anti-Socialism in Contestation, 1889–1939

Robinson¹

2015

jhi

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“Progressive” is usually seen to emerge as a political term in the late 1880s, signifying new liberalism and its alliance with social democracy. This is also the period in which Koselleck noted that “progress” became an empty “catchword,” used across the political spectrum. This paper explores this semantic shift. It focuses on two periods of “Progressive” municipal politics in Britain: the London Progressive Party elected in 1889, and the anti-socialist Progressive Parties of the inter-war years. It asks how the champions and opponents of municipal socialism could both call themselves “progressive” and what this reveals about the fracturing of liberalism.

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Visions of Politics

Cited by 122 publications

References 0 publications

Broyer du noir. Manifestations et répression policière au Québec

Broyer du noir. Manifestations et répression policière au Québec

Foucault, Sovereignty, and Governmentality in the Roman Republic

Defining Progressive Politics: Municipal Socialism and Anti-Socialism in Contestation, 1889–1939

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