New Institutions for Participatory Democracy in Latin America
DOI: 10.1057/9781137270580.0005
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Cited by 6 publications
(9 citation statements)
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“…According to Alvarez (2017), cogovernance was quintessentially exemplified by participatory budgeting, whereby collaboration between neighborhood associations and local officials of the Workers’ Party in Porto Alegre, Brazil, enabled individual citizens to deliberate and direct allocation of portions of municipal tax revenues within restructured municipal apparatuses (Goldfrank, 2011). As participatory budgeting was diffused across Brazil and the world, however, it was separated from grassroots control (Baiocchi and Ganuza, 2017) and appropriated by state agencies seeking to garner legitimacy (Cameron, Hershberg, and Sharpe, 2012). We thus see that cogovernance has the potential to generate radical transformations only if and when movements retain their autonomous, constituent power in interactions with the state.…”
Section: Cogovernance Feminist Movements and Deepening Democracy Inmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…According to Alvarez (2017), cogovernance was quintessentially exemplified by participatory budgeting, whereby collaboration between neighborhood associations and local officials of the Workers’ Party in Porto Alegre, Brazil, enabled individual citizens to deliberate and direct allocation of portions of municipal tax revenues within restructured municipal apparatuses (Goldfrank, 2011). As participatory budgeting was diffused across Brazil and the world, however, it was separated from grassroots control (Baiocchi and Ganuza, 2017) and appropriated by state agencies seeking to garner legitimacy (Cameron, Hershberg, and Sharpe, 2012). We thus see that cogovernance has the potential to generate radical transformations only if and when movements retain their autonomous, constituent power in interactions with the state.…”
Section: Cogovernance Feminist Movements and Deepening Democracy Inmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As George Ciccariello-Maher (2013) demonstrates in the case of Venezuela, for instance, popular movements harnessed their explosive constituent power from below to force the Chávez government to radicalize an initially reformist project and reconstitute state power. In similar fashion, Evo Morales’s Movimiento al Socialismo party in Bolivia grew out of the popular rebellions that toppled neoliberal governments in the 2000s to then collaborate with diverse movements in implementing new forms of plurinational citizenship and communal democracy (Cameron, Hershberg, and Sharpe, 2012). However, in both Venezuela and Bolivia, state attempts to institutionalize the vehicles of popular power have led to setbacks in revolutionary goals and reductions in movements’ strategic power vis-à-vis state institutions (Fernandes, 2010; Oikonomakis and Espinoza, 2014).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“… 1 For the phrase “democratize democracy,” see Santos and Avritzer 2005. See also Cameron, Herschberg, and Sharpe 2012; Fung 2011, and Smulovitz and Peruzzotti 2000. …”
Section: Notesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“… 37 On participatory institutions in Latin America, see Cameron, Herschberg, and Sharpe 2012; Fung 2011; Nylen 2011. …”
Section: Notesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Moreover, the analysis of mechanisms such as the Communal Councils and the Council of Citizen Participation and Social Control sheds light on the undemocratic potential of participatory mechanisms and on how they may contribute to the consolidation of hybrid regimes, an area still largely unexplored. Recently, authors such as Levitsky and Roberts (2011) and Cameron et al (2012) have recognized the possible manipulation of participatory mechanisms, including the dangers such manipulation may pose to other democratic institutions 5…”
Section: Models Of Democracy and The Risks Of Participatory Mechanismsmentioning
confidence: 99%