2018
DOI: 10.1016/j.wocn.2018.10.004
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VOT or quantity: What matters more for the voicing contrast in German regional varieties? Results from apparent-time analyses

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Cited by 11 publications
(21 citation statements)
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References 45 publications
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“…Given that German voiceless plosives are aspirated in the same manner as the English ones, there is little risk of interference in the L1 English of this participant. On the other hand, German voiced plosives exhibit different voicing patterns than the English ones (Kleber 2018) and the potential L2 German interference in this control group participant could not be completely ruled out (despite the findings of Stoehr et al 2017); therefore his lenis plosives were not included in the analysis.…”
Section: Participantsmentioning
confidence: 91%
“…Given that German voiceless plosives are aspirated in the same manner as the English ones, there is little risk of interference in the L1 English of this participant. On the other hand, German voiced plosives exhibit different voicing patterns than the English ones (Kleber 2018) and the potential L2 German interference in this control group participant could not be completely ruled out (despite the findings of Stoehr et al 2017); therefore his lenis plosives were not included in the analysis.…”
Section: Participantsmentioning
confidence: 91%
“…The 10 new submissions covered production data on the voicing contrast obtained from 270 speakers across 19 languages. Among the 19 languages studied are two languages whose voicing contrast has been well-documented in the literature: English appearing in two of the contributions (Ahn, 2018a with 8 speakers; Kim, Kim & Cho, 2018 with 11 speakers), and German, with three varieties appearing across two contributions (Swiss German: Ladd & Schmid, 2018 with 20 speakers; Bavarian and Saxon varieties of German: Kleber 2018 with 21 and 20 speakers, respectively). Other languages whose voicing contrast has not been fully understood despite the substantial number of their speakers include Brazilian Portuguese (Ahn, 2018a with 8 speakers); Thai (Kirby, 2018 with 12 speakers); Turkish (U Ünal-Logacev, Fuchs & Lancia, 2018 with 6 speakers); and Russian (Kharlamov, 2018 with 60 speakers).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 91%
“…Kleber (2018, this collection) investigates stop voicing contrast in two German varieties: Saxon German and Bavarian German. The two dialects have been known to show voicing contrast neutralization in initial position (in both Saxon and Bavarian) and in medial position (in Saxon), especially as far as VOT contrast is concerned.…”
Section: Sociolinguistics: Language Contact and Levellingmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Further, this broad analysis would fail to account for more subtle effects seen in our data, especially between Dutch and German, which do point to a relative, rather than absolute, prediction about developmental patterning across languages. We can indeed relate the relatively lower percentage of [h] substitution as well as the higher rate of |ö| deletion in Dutch, in comparison to German, to the fact that in the German dialect of the children documented within the Grimm corpus, the voiced/voiceless contrast among plosive obstruents is best described as degrees aspiration, or positive voice onset time (Kleber, 2018, and references therein), while Dutch displays voicing contrasts more comparable to that of French or Portuguese, whereby voiceless stops are generally plain (unaspirated) and voiced stops display a degree of pre-voicing, or negative voice onset time (Lisker and Abramson, 1964; van Alphen and Smits, 2004). German thus displays more robust aspiration cues than that of Dutch, hence the more robust pattern of [h] substitution in the German data revealed by our survey.…”
Section: Rhotic Development Across Languagesmentioning
confidence: 87%