Vowel Epenthesis

Hall, Nancy

doi:10.1002/9781444335262.wbctp0067

Cited by 64 publications

(24 citation statements)

References 23 publications

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“…Now let's account for /i/ epenthesis in the data in (1). Generally speaking, epenthetic processes are syllable-conditioned i.e., they take place to repair some inputs that do not abide by the syllable structure of a given language where some stranded consonants cannot be properly syllabified [16]. Broselow [17], however, suggests that epenthesis is not necessarily syllable-conditioned as the insertion of segments sometimes takes place to break up an undesired sequence of consonants.…”

Section: Inputmentioning

confidence: 99%

Epenthesis and Devocalization in the Djelfa Dialect of Algerian Arabic: An OT Account

Slimani¹

2017

lls

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The paper provides a straightforward analysis of some phonological processes attested in the Djelfa dialect, viz., epenthesis, and devocalization. The Djelfa dialect is one of the varieties of Algerian Arabic that has never been investigated before. Thus, this paper aims at delving into some of its phonological intricacies. The paper is couched within Optimality Theory framework (OT) and reveals the interaction underlying the markedness and faithfulness constraints to yield the well-formed syllable structures attested in the dialect. It mainly accounts for /i/ epenthesis to repair the undesired word-final C(C)VVCC and C(C)VCCC syllable structures, which is primarily ascribed to the interplay between *ϛϛ and *3μ. Vowel hiatus, however, is resolved by glide epenthesis unless the first member of the hiatus is [-high] and accordingly, the hegemony of CONTIGUITY-IO ([-high]V) renders devocalization imperative.

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Section: Inputmentioning

confidence: 99%

Epenthesis and Devocalization in the Djelfa Dialect of Algerian Arabic: An OT Account

Slimani¹

2017

lls

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“…In the Moscow dialect of Russian, the alternating vowel in the prepositions is [@] or [a], and vowels of both qualities are typologically common epenthetic vowels (Kitto & de Lacy 1999, Hall 2011. In the Moscow dialect of Russian, the alternating vowel in the prepositions is [@] or [a], and vowels of both qualities are typologically common epenthetic vowels (Kitto & de Lacy 1999, Hall 2011.…”

Section: Deletion or Epenthesis ?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Lexical and phonological variation in Russian prepositions

2013

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Phonological rules can be variable in two ways : they can apply to a subset of the lexicon (lexical variation), or apply optionally, with a probability that depends on the phonological environment (stochastic variation). These two types of variation are occasionally seen as mutually exclusive. We show that the vowel-zero alternation in Russian prepositions ([s trudom] ' with difficulty ' vs. [s@ stinoj] ' with the wall ') exhibits both types of variation. In two corpus studies and a nonce-word experiment, we document novel stochastic factors that influence the alternation : similarity avoidance, stress position and sonority profile. These constraints interact additively, lending support to a weighted-constraints analysis. In addition to phonologically determined stochastic variation, we find significant lexical variation : phonologically similar nouns differ in the rate at which they condition the alternation in the prepositions. We analyse this pattern by augmenting the weighted-constraints approach with lexical scaling factors. * For feedback that has led to many improvements to this work, we would like to thank

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“…As noted above, vowel epenthesis is typically used to break up sequences of multiple consonants (see Hall 2011 for relevant discussion). This may be a response to difficult or unfamiliar consonant sequences, with one result of epenthesis being that such sequences can be produced and processed faster and more accurately (e.g.…”

Section: The Function Of Vowel Epenthesismentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Sounds that are similar to many other sounds in the system would make good candidates for epenthesis because they are less "noticeable" (see, e.g. Battistella 1990, Dupoux et al, 1999, 2011Rice 2000;Steriade 2009;Riggs, to appear). We modeled the acoustic distinctiveness of French vowels as a function of miscategorization probability.…”

Section: Perceptual Similaritymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Jaeger 1980;Ohala 1982;Dupoux et al 1997;Harnsberger 2001;Peperkamp et al 2003;Kazanina et al 2006;Pruitt et al 2006;Boomershine et al 2008). It has been hypothesized that the reason for this difference in perception is linked to the predictability of the distribution of such sounds (Hall 2009(Hall , 2011. Specifically, sounds that are more predictably distributed (e.g.…”

Section: Distributionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Anti-markedness patterns in French epenthesis: An information-theoretic approach

Hume

Adda-Decker

Wedel

et al. 2011

BLS

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Cross-linguistically, certain vowel types tend to be used to break up otherwise ill-formed consonant clusters in a given language: they are generally non-low, non-round and either front or central. Such epenthetic vowels are commonly referred to as the language’s default vowel. For example, the default vowel in Maltese is [i],in Spanish it is [e], and it is schwa in Finnish, English, and Dutch. One might assume, then, that these vowels have certain properties that make them particularly good candidates for being the epenthetic vowel.

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Vowel Epenthesis

Cited by 64 publications

References 23 publications

Epenthesis and Devocalization in the Djelfa Dialect of Algerian Arabic: An OT Account

Epenthesis and Devocalization in the Djelfa Dialect of Algerian Arabic: An OT Account

Lexical and phonological variation in Russian prepositions

Anti-markedness patterns in French epenthesis: An information-theoretic approach

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