VP ellipsis in European and Brazilian Portuguese: a comparative analysis

Cyrino, Sônia; Matos, Gabriela

doi:10.5334/jpl.41

Cited by 63 publications

(53 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…(Goldberg 2005: 1) The other type of VP-ellipsis involves the stranding of the verb, in what Goldberg (2005) calls V-stranding VP-ellipsis. Portuguese, Hebrew, Irish, among other languages, instantiate this type of VP-ellipsis (see also Cyrino & Matos 2002, McCloskey 1991. Consider the case of Portuguese, which has both V-stranding VP-ellipsis (cf.…”

Section: Ellipsis and Head Movementmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…We are aware of this variation and we do not want to settle the issue, as it is immaterial for our purposes. We opt for the VP-ellipsis analysis for Brazilian Portuguese adopted in Nunes & Zocca (2005) and Cyrino & Matos (2002, mainly because tense feature asymmetries between elliptical gap and antecedent are attested in this language, showing that the tense node is not affected by the identity condition on ellipsis. There are also proposals (cf.…”

Section: Ellipsis and Head Movementmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…7a/7b), while such verbal identity is not required with null objects (cf. 8) (Cyrino & Matos 2002 Since V-stranding VP-ellipsis only occurs in languages where the verb raises out of the VP in overt syntax (Goldberg 2005), the presence of V-stranding VP-ellipsis in a language can be used as a diagnostic for V-movement out of the VP. In other words, if a language allows V-stranding VP-ellipsis then this language has V movement out of VP.…”

Section: Ellipsis and Head Movementmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Consider the Brazilian Portuguese (6a) again, and its variant without the finite verb, the fully grammatical instance of TP-ellipsis in (40) (a case of stripping, Cyrino and Matos 2002), which is identical in meaning to (6a), repeated below as (41) to.the Maria 'I gave a book to Maria, and Pedro did, too.' Clearly, the more maximal ellipsis strategy in (40) does not rule out V-stranding with the verb deu 'gave' overtly spelled out in (41), testifying that there is no competition between a more maximal and a less maximal ellipsis strategy.…”

Section: Refuting An Alternative In Terms Maxelidementioning

confidence: 99%

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No N-raising out of NPs in Spanish: ellipsis as a diagnostic of head movement

Lipták

Saab

2014

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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In this paper, we present a novel test for diagnosing head movement across languages, based on the availability of X-stranding XP-ellipsis. As we argue, X-stranding XPellipsis phenomena should exist in languages where XP-ellipsis and X-movement out of XP are both available (as is the case in V-stranding VP-ellipsis in Hebrew or Portuguese, see Goldberg 2005 and references cited there). This has the effect that if a language has XP-ellipsis but lacks X-stranding XP-ellipsis, X-movement out of XP must be lacking in the language. We show the application of this test in the nominal domain, for the particular case of Spanish, one of the languages for which N-raising out of the NP has been proposed in the literature (Bosque and Picallo 1996). Spanish indeed has productive instances of NP-ellipsis, but lacks N-stranding NP-ellipsis. Carefully ruling out other reasons for the lack of N-standing NP-ellipsis, the paper shows that it can only be due to the lack of N-movement out of NP.Keywords: head movement, X-stranding XP-ellipsis, nominal phrase, nominal ellipsis, Spanish IntroductionThe idea that head movement exists not only in the clausal, but also in the nominal domain has been in circulation for more than two decades in generative syntactic theorizing. Various researchers have found empirical arguments for the claim that the nominal head undergoes head movement to functional heads within the DP. This can take place either in the form of N-to-D movement (where D is the highest functional head identified by Abney 1987) or in the form of movement to intermediate heads like Num(ber) (see for example Ritter 1988 on Semitic, Picallo 1991 and Bosque and Picallo 1996 on Spanish, Longobardi 1994 on Italian, Valois 1991, Bernstein 1991 on French). Evidence for N-raising has been supplied from the various word orders that can be observed between the noun and its modifiers/arguments inside the DP within and across languages. The difference between the order of the noun and the adjective in the Spanish noun phrase in (1a) and the English (1b), for example, can be traced back to the presence of N-raising to the intermediate Num head in the former, but not in the latter. Postnominal placement of an adjective in Spanish is due to N-raising out of the phrase that contains the adjective.

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Section: Ellipsis and Head Movementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Ellipsis and Head Movementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Ellipsis and Head Movementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Refuting An Alternative In Terms Maxelidementioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

No N-raising out of NPs in Spanish: ellipsis as a diagnostic of head movement

Lipták

Saab

2014

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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“…The data involve whextraction, focus movement, cleft sentences, adjunct fronting -syntactic processes traditionally assumed in the literature as involving displacement of constituents to the left periphery. In the following sections, the spectrum of analysis will be expanded, by including other classes of low and high adverbs to show that Bever 7 Here lies one of the differences between Brazilian and European Portuguese, which Cyrino and Matos (2002) mentioned in their text: (39) is ambiguous not only between a VP ellipsis interpretation for the gap ("[-]"), naturally ungrammatical if the adverb gets recovered (39a), and a null object interpretation (39b), which is possible in both Brazilian and European Portuguese. It is still compatible with a reading where the verb comer 'to eat' is treated as a monoargumental V, having an implicit argument.…”

Section: Some Syntactic Properties Of Higher Adverbsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Só”, “Exclusivamente” E Suas Posições Na Sentença

Neto

2015

Alfa, rev. linguíst. (São José Rio Preto)

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Neste artigo, são examinadas algumas propriedades de advérbios altos e baixos para mostrar que o focalizador só pertence ao primeiro grupo. Conclui-se que o comportamento do advérbio de exclusão só no Português do Brasil é mais bem explicado do ponto de vista da Sintaxe, isto é, em termos da sua posição na hierarquia universal. A pista para chegar a tal conclusão vem da distribuição do focalizador exclusivamente, que também é um advérbio de exclusão, mas se comporta de forma diferente em relação a sóno que diz respeito a algumas propriedades sintáticas que põem de um lado os advérbios altos e de outro os baixos. Além disso, este texto revela que a previsão de Bever e Clark (2008) – de que a Semântica seria responsável pelas assimetrias entre os advérbios quantificacionais e o exclusivo só – não é correta, na medida em que o focalizador de exclusão exclusivamente, no Português do Brasil, compartilha propriedades sintáticas com advérbios quantificacionais.

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VP‐Ellipsis

Craenenbroeck

2017

The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Syntax, Second Edition

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VP‐ellipsis (VPE) refers to the phenomenon whereby the main predicate of the clause – typically in combination with its internal arguments – is missing. VPE has drawn the interest of generative syntacticians from the very early days onward and continues to be a thriving subfield of the theoretical literature on ellipsis to this day. This SynCom Case highlights the most important theoretical questions and accompanying data surrounding VPE. It approaches the phenomenon from four different angles: the presence or absence of unpronounced syntactic structure inside the ellipsis site, the si ze of the ellipsis site, the recoverability requirement on the ellipsis process, and the licensing environments of VPE. While the early decades focused mostly on “standard” cases of VPE in English finite clauses, recent years have seen an influx of new data from a wide range of languages and language varieties other than standard English. The introduction of these new facts has in many cases led to a reconsideration of earlier theoretical approaches to VPE and has raised several new puzzles and open questions.

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VP ellipsis in European and Brazilian Portuguese: a comparative analysis

Cited by 63 publications

References 12 publications

No N-raising out of NPs in Spanish: ellipsis as a diagnostic of head movement

No N-raising out of NPs in Spanish: ellipsis as a diagnostic of head movement

“Só”, “Exclusivamente” E Suas Posições Na Sentença

VP‐Ellipsis

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