Wages and Gender Composition: Why do Women's Jobs Pay Less?

Macpherson, David A.; Hirsch, Barry T.

doi:10.1086/298381

Cited by 304 publications

(298 citation statements)

References 31 publications

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“…Therefore, the concepts are related, but it is proper to mention the two theories. Many empirical studies show that segregation and crowding into low-wage workplaces have a particularly significant negative impact on minority groups' relative wages, and also a high presence of minority tends to depress workplace's wages (Groshen, 1991;Macpherson and Hirsch, 1995;Lewis, 1996;Catanzarite, 2000;Bayard et al 2003; Amuedo-Dorantes and De la Rica, 2006;Simon et. al.…”

Section: Theories Of Labor Market Discriminationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Roma women in Athenian firms: do they face wage bias?

Drydakis¹

2012

Ethnic and Racial Studies

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. www.econstor.eu In the current study, we analyze the effect of having a Roma background on women's wages. By utilizing the Athens Area Study random sample (2007-08) drawn from 16 multiethnic municipalities in which Roma live, we estimate that 66.1% of the wage differential between Roma and non-Roma female workers cannot be explained by differences in observed characteristics. Prejudices against Roma women are discussed and appear to explain the wage gap found here. The occupational segregation of the Roma in low-paid jobs and employers' statistical motivations are also found to influence wages earned by Roma. This study concludes that there is a need for better implementations of existing laws, rules and regulations which would counter the discrimination of minority women in the labor market. In addition, a better means of assessing workers' skill may contribute to the reduction of wage discrimination, as well as, greater educational achievement would significantly boost the economic status of Roma women. In its use of a random Roma sample and multivariate analysis, this study is a methodological advancement over previous studies of Roma employment, and it could inspire new efforts to compare wages by Roma background. Terms of use: Documents in D I S C U S S I O N P A P E R S E R I E SJEL Classification: J31, J71, J15, C13, C81

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Section: Theories Of Labor Market Discriminationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Roma women in Athenian firms: do they face wage bias?

Drydakis¹

2012

Ethnic and Racial Studies

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“…Improving labour inspections can also help to eliminate discriminatory practices. Furthermore, as several studies have indicated that occupational segregation is responsible for a significant part of the gender wage gap (for example, Macpherson and Hirsch 1995), policies to address occupational segregation, for example, by training women for occupations that are not considered typically female, would narrow the wage gap. Similarly, little progress has been made to date on extending training to men for occupations that have traditionally been considered female with a view to eliminating the stereotypes and prejudices that also translate into wage discrepancies.…”

Section: Closing the Income Gapmentioning

confidence: 99%

Inequality in Latin America: ECLAC’s Perspective

Amarante

Prado

2017

Has Latin American Inequality Changed Direction?

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Equality has been at the center of ECLAC´s analysis of the region since structuralist times. In those pioneering writings, the distribution of assets and the concentration of power in the hands of elites were crucial aspects to understand (the lack of) equality in the region. Following this tradition, the last three documents that the institution submitted for consideration by the Governments of Latin America and the Caribbean at its three last sessions have put equality back in the center of the regional agenda, expanding the conception of equality beyond distributive fairness-whose scope tends to be confined to the distribution of transferable, quantifiable resources-taking in other dimensions and considering equality in a "relational" context of socialization, autonomy, and recognition.As put forth in Time for equality: closing gaps, opening trails (ECLAC 2010), the quest for equality is part of the drive to abolish privileges and establish equal rights for all individuals, regardless of origin, affiliations, or position in society. It calls not only for universal civil and political rights but also for advancing towards distributive justice in which everyone enjoys the benefits of progress. Time for equality argued that equality stands at the crossroads between economic growth, social inclusion, and recognition of diversity, advocating a kind of development that forges a positive link between greater equality and gains in productivity, capacities, and sustainable growth. The document postulated that social equality and the kind of economic dynamism that transform production patterns are not at odds with each other and that the challenge is to find synergies between the two. The growth strategy should include less structural heterogeneity and more productive development, and the pursuit of equality through the enhancement of human capacities and the mobilization of state energies. The basic idea is the need of building more cohesive societies around productive dynamics, constructing positive social and territorial synergies, and strengthening the protection of individuals through improvements in labor markets.

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“…The data sets used in our analysis are constructed from two principal sources, the Current Macpherson and Hirsch (1995) and Madrian and Lefgren (2000). Matching is conducted with the goal of including only pairs matched with near certainty (using household and person identifiers and demographic checks), even if it means excluding valid pairs that do not satisfy all match criteria.…”

Section: Data Sources and Descriptive Evidence On Caring Jobsmentioning

confidence: 99%