War and the Contest over National Identity

Abstract

This paper looks at a recent historical moment in which the American national identity was defined and contested in the public arena. The Persian Gulf crisis of 1990–91 presents a case in point in which official actors attempted to define the American character and in so doing prescribed particular actions necessary to fulfill what it means to be an American. President George Bush's discourse used the crisis to rejuvenate US prestige and American confidence. He described Americans as unique in esteemed values and America as the only country capable of leading the world. In so doing, he invited American participation in support for US military intervention. On the other side, the peace movement chose to emphasize American weaknesses, domestic problems, and the gullible nature of the American people. In so doing, it attempted to shame Americans into supporting the anti-war movement.

The Study of Identity As Cultural, Institutional, Organizational, and Personal Narratives: Theoretical and Empirical Integrations

“…First, the texts deemed worthwhile to explore have expanded from classic works of fiction to narratives offered as “true stories” in places such as court documents (Ewick and Silbey 1995; Nolan 2002), texts of public policy hearings (Stein 2001; Asen 2003), mass media newspapers (Clawson and Trice 2000), and social advocacy documents (Berbrier 1998). Second, while literary critics tend to focus on written stories, social researchers also examine the narrative form in speeches of politicians (Coles 2002; Johnson 2002), television news (Barnett 2005), and talk in support groups and counseling sessions (Irvine 1999; Maines 1991). Third, social researchers have expanded the notion of narrative genres to include a range of modern genres such as the fictional genre of romance novels (Radway 1984), as well as genres offered as nonfictional such as autobiographies (M.…”

“…There also is considerable attention given to the stories created by politicians, media, and social activists, who, in theory and in common sense, are expectable formula story authors. For example, observers have examined how Presidents of the United States regularly tell stories creating the categorical identities of “Americans,”“citizens,” and “enemies” (Coles 2002; Johnson 2002); how television talk shows create narratives of cultural outsiders such as “sexual minorities” (Gamson 1998), “white trash” (Squire 2002), or “immoral sinners” (Lowney 1999); how newspapers construct characters such as the “poor” (Clawson and Trice 2000), the “deserving poor” (Loseke and Fawcett 1995), the “crack baby” (Lyons and Rittner 1998), and the “she‐devil crack mother” (Meyers 2004). There also has been considerable attention given to the work of social movement activists who are characterized as deliberative, utilitarian and goal‐directed in creating new stories and new identities (Snow and Benford 2000), such as “gays” and “lesbians” (Bernstein 1997) and the “battered woman” (Rothenberg 2002).…”

“…Symbolic codes surround cultural narratives of identities because they contain images of the rights, responsibilities, and normative expectations of people in the world, and of the expected affective responses to these people. Symbolic codes in the Western world typically construct one identity in contrast to another (Coles 2002), often as binary opposites (Alexander 1992; Lamont and Fournier 1992; Smith 1998) such as deserving poor/undeserving poor (Loseke and Fawcett 1995), victim/agent (Picart 2003), victim/victimizer (Holstein and Miller 1990), good mother/bad mother (Barnett 2005), heterosexual/homosexual (Quinlivan 2002), citizen/enemy (Alexander 1992), and so on.…”

My Nation, My Self: Divergent Framings of America Influence American Selves

“…Although the definition of America as a nation has varied across time and place, numerous analyses cite independence as America's persistent signature (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, & Tipton, 1985;Hochschild, 1995;Lipset, 1996;Markus & Kitayama, 1991;Quinn & Crocker, 1999;Sampson, 1988;Tocqueville, 1969;Triandis, 1989). Historically, America has been powerfully and positively depicted as a beacon of liberty endowed with the responsibility of spreading independence and freedom across the continent (e.g., Manifest Destiny) and the globe (e.g., the Cold War; Coles, 2002;Lipset, 1996;Schlesinger, 1986;Turner, 1920). As a consequence, disjoint agency (Markus & Kitayama, 2003)-or acting as an independent agent that shapes its own destiny as well as influences the environment and others in that environment-has become normatively and positively associated with America as a nation.…”

Ο Τηλεθεατής Των Ειδήσεων Στην Ελλάδα: Συζητώντας Για Τον Πόλεμο Στο Κοσσυφοπέδιο

“…Τον έλεγχο των τελετουργιών αυτών τον κατέχουν πολιτικές και πολιτισµικές ελιτ που ελέγχουν έτσι και τις µνήµες του πολέµου (Winter & Sivan, 2000). Στη διάρκεια των πολέµων ή σε επετείους πολέµων, οι πρόεδροι των κρατών µιλούν συνήθως για τα ιδιαίτερα χαρακτηριστικά του έθνους, που το καθιστούν µοναδικό (Coles, 2002 (Λέκκας, 1996).…”