War, Rebellion, and Intervention under Hierarchy: Vietnam–China Relations, 1365 to 1841

Kang, David C.; Nguyen, Dat X.; Fu, Ronan Tse-min; Shaw, Meredith

doi:10.1177/0022002718772345

Cited by 9 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 23 publications

(7 reference statements)

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“…This article adds to the effort of linking East Asian history and contemporary international relations theory. Kang, Shaw, and Fu (2016) and Kang et al (2019) construct data sets on the conflicts in premodern East Asia, centering on China, Korea, and Vietnam. As the application in this article suggests, historical East Asian data could be used to formulate and test meso-theories on political institutions and conflict behavior.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Climate Shocks, Political Institutions, and Nomadic Invasions in Early Modern East Asia

Yin

2019

Journal of Conflict Resolution

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While a large literature argues negative climate shocks can trigger conflicts, recent findings suggest moderate climatic conditions lead to war. This article proposes a conditional theory by incorporating political institution as a moderating variable. I argue that, under the impact of negative climate shocks, centralized societies can mobilize more resources for war, compared to decentralized societies. Thus, the former is more likely to resort to well-organized plundering to address the scarcity problem caused by detrimental climate shocks. Besides, centralized societies have little incentive to plunder when the climatic conditions are moderate, as they can collect taxes regularly through centralized institutions. A comparison between the more centralized Manchurian and the less centralized Mongols on their conflictual behavior serves as an empirical test. I find that temperature was negatively associated with the probability of Manchurian invasion after they embraced centralization but had a positive effect on the likelihood of Mongol invasion.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Climate Shocks, Political Institutions, and Nomadic Invasions in Early Modern East Asia

Yin

2019

Journal of Conflict Resolution

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“…Rarely does anyone ask, however, why these threats were unidirectional and arose mainly from nomads, rather than from powerful states such as Japan, Korea, and Vietnam. Explaining how and why these historical patterns developed over time will likely provide better insight into China's priorities and how East Asia as a region dealt with China than looking at European history (Kang, Nguyen, Shaw, and Fu 2019). Indeed, the fact that the historical East Asian system was hegemonic did not rule out the rise and fall of particular regimes.…”

Section: A R E W E a L L W E S T P H A L I A N N O W ?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Thought Games About China

Kang¹

2020

J. East Asian Stud.

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These books are about power transitions in the Western experience, and collectively they represent a good cross-section of the best mainstream scholarship about power transitions. However, when Japan, China, or non-Western cases are involved, it is almost exclusively in the context of the twentieth century and in relation to Western powers (e.g., Goddard, chapter 6). As a result, this is an awkward review to write. I am being asked to assess four books based not on what they tried to do, but on what they did not try to do: actually research China. The insights thus are about what might be expected: if China acts "as if" it were an eighteenth-century European power, then we can expect it to behave like … an eighteenth-century European power. Yet in extending their findings to the current era, none of these books examine Chinese interests, perceptions, goals, identity, history, religion, culture, and philosophy-or even capabilities, domestic politics, or its economyin any depth. None explore East Asia as a region and China's place in it. If identity, culture, and ideas, or even the domestic politics and business of a country, have even a marginal impact on the behavior and perceptions of actors in international politics-and a wide swath of the IR profession, along with MacDonald and Parent, Goddard, and Schake, clearly believes that they do-then we cannot expect the books under review to tell us much about China and power transitions. Rather, China and East Asia serve as empty vessels-as Rorschach tests-into which we can put whatever ideas, assumptions, fears, and guesses we wish. This review will thus interrogate one central question: are the contours of power transitions universal? To answer this requires addressing two additional questions about power transitions specifically and how we research East Asia more generally. Are we all Westphalian now? And what does China want? For arguments about power transitions to be widely applicable, states all around the globe would have to react the same way to changes in relative power. Yet changes in states' goals must also be opaque-it is the potential for unlimited appetite that drives fears during power transitions. Most IR scholars would probably assume that "yes," all states are Westphalian, and "no," we have no idea what China's aims are. Yet a closer examination of China and the East Asian region itself would likely yield the opposite answers: no, all states are not Westphalian beyond the most superficial elements; and Book Reviews 135

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“…It is important to note that the actual historical relationship between these two countries was not constantly confrontational and in fact much more complex(Kang et al, 2019).Japanese Journal of Political Science…”

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confidence: 99%

Doi Moi and Vietnamese threat perception of Chinese economic growth

Son

2020

Japanese Journal of Political Science

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A growing body of literature has recently emerged establishing that political socialization influences foreign policy preferences of the public. But the empirical domain of this literature has been confined largely to American foreign policy and whether and how this empirical regularity holds in a non-democratic, non-western setting is unknown. Filling this lacuna, this research note studies the Vietnamese public attitudes toward Chinese economic expansion. I argue that Vietnamese citizens who grew up amid Doi Moi (renovation) had a political socialization experience very different from that of the birth cohorts who immediately preceded them. I demonstrate that the traditional ‘socialist brotherhood’ rhetoric that used to moderate otherwise hostile public opinions about China became insignificant through the course of the reform. This abrupt change led to markedly divergent views between the pre- and post-Doi Moi birth groups on China. Using the data from the latest Pew Global Attitude Survey, I demonstrate that Doi Moi increased the Vietnamese public's negative perception of Chinese economic expansion.

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War, Rebellion, and Intervention under Hierarchy: Vietnam–China Relations, 1365 to 1841

Cited by 9 publications

References 23 publications

Climate Shocks, Political Institutions, and Nomadic Invasions in Early Modern East Asia

Climate Shocks, Political Institutions, and Nomadic Invasions in Early Modern East Asia

Thought Games About China

Doi Moi and Vietnamese threat perception of Chinese economic growth

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