“…Thus Cooper (2020: 181) suggests British municipal radicalism of the 1980s was characterised by the adoption of an activist register, marked by 'a readiness to campaign, and not simply govern, on behalf of marginal and subjugated interests', alongside an affirmation of, and activist-state interest in, the entrenchment of social justice issues in the everyday urban fabric -seeing, for instance, the political importance of pavement curbs, pedestrian crossings, sewage disposal, or herbaceous lawn borders (Hall, 1988;Hatherley, 2020). For example, the GLC voiced countercultural claims on spheres of social life previously considered beyond the scope of local government interest, such as sexuality (Cooper, 1994), and directly campaigned (or funded community campaigns) against nuclear weapons (Atashroo, 2019), racism (although see the critique by Gilroy, 1987) and corporate urban development in the Docklands (Leeson, 2019). Such efforts, as Hall (1988) argued, could contribute to countering the emergent atomised subject-formation of Thatcherite politics, laced with competitive individualism and hostility to public administration.…”