“…These perspectives highlight March’s (1983, p. 743) logic of gender as a symbolic system –to represent things that are, and are not, the same; things that might be the same if they were not interpreted from opposing perspectives; perspectives that emerge as opposed because they arise as women and men consider the gender logic of each other’s position; men and women who, as they consider one another, confront the many ways in which they are, and are not, the same.…”
“…Before going on to describe further the exact nature of the shift taking place in education in Ludigaun, it is important to contextualise this shift as a process that has moved from one embedded in local relationships to one that is at once, and murkily, both embedded and disembedded from them. March’s (1983) analysis of the ‘gender symbols’ of weaving and writing among the Tamang of Nepal is valuable for thinking about how the older generation of men of Ludigaun are positioned in relation to the older generation of women in the village due to their education and literacy, and also for how they are positioned as Bahun (and politically authoritative) for the same reasons in wider society. March (1983, p. 730) argues that gender is a symbolic system, ‘a system of beliefs about the world’ and weaving and writing amongst the Tamang are symbols that at once highlight a gendered division of labour and gendered subjectivities, as well as political authority.…”
Section: Embedded and Disembedded: Identity Construction And Gender Rmentioning
In a small Bahun village in Gorkha district, West Nepal, in only one generation, there has been a huge shift to educating young women and including them in modernity. Ideologies of 'gender equality' in education that are promoted in development programs and discourse, and in Maoist rhetoric, have been powerful drivers behind this. In this paper I highlight the gender and generational dynamics of the changing relationship of women to education in Nepal. I argue that the move to educating women is not a simple one, nor is it necessarily a development success story. The importance placed on educating the younger generation, including women, is also very much tied to local Bahun culture, marriage values and status. Bahun villagers of Ludigaun place great importance on both education and marriage. When combined, I argue, education has in fact become dowry. While there have been transformations in education and other modernising processes, as well as in dowry practices, in this paper I show that they have come to maintain traditional hierarchies and to support the status making of the educated Bahun man.
“…These perspectives highlight March’s (1983, p. 743) logic of gender as a symbolic system –to represent things that are, and are not, the same; things that might be the same if they were not interpreted from opposing perspectives; perspectives that emerge as opposed because they arise as women and men consider the gender logic of each other’s position; men and women who, as they consider one another, confront the many ways in which they are, and are not, the same.…”
“…Before going on to describe further the exact nature of the shift taking place in education in Ludigaun, it is important to contextualise this shift as a process that has moved from one embedded in local relationships to one that is at once, and murkily, both embedded and disembedded from them. March’s (1983) analysis of the ‘gender symbols’ of weaving and writing among the Tamang of Nepal is valuable for thinking about how the older generation of men of Ludigaun are positioned in relation to the older generation of women in the village due to their education and literacy, and also for how they are positioned as Bahun (and politically authoritative) for the same reasons in wider society. March (1983, p. 730) argues that gender is a symbolic system, ‘a system of beliefs about the world’ and weaving and writing amongst the Tamang are symbols that at once highlight a gendered division of labour and gendered subjectivities, as well as political authority.…”
Section: Embedded and Disembedded: Identity Construction And Gender Rmentioning
In a small Bahun village in Gorkha district, West Nepal, in only one generation, there has been a huge shift to educating young women and including them in modernity. Ideologies of 'gender equality' in education that are promoted in development programs and discourse, and in Maoist rhetoric, have been powerful drivers behind this. In this paper I highlight the gender and generational dynamics of the changing relationship of women to education in Nepal. I argue that the move to educating women is not a simple one, nor is it necessarily a development success story. The importance placed on educating the younger generation, including women, is also very much tied to local Bahun culture, marriage values and status. Bahun villagers of Ludigaun place great importance on both education and marriage. When combined, I argue, education has in fact become dowry. While there have been transformations in education and other modernising processes, as well as in dowry practices, in this paper I show that they have come to maintain traditional hierarchies and to support the status making of the educated Bahun man.
“…19 This is more a function of the nature of Tibetan ritual reading/recitation itself than of these particular men's lack of training; see, for example, March (1983). 20 These are 'speech acts' without an intentional speaker.…”
Section: Codamentioning
confidence: 98%
“…Others include lamaic horoscopes, blockom mane padhme hum mani stones along village pathways. These written words exert considerable power to coerce or persuade supernatural beings to act in the interests of their human petitioners (see Holmberg 1989;March 1983;Mumford 1989;Ortner 1978) (Figure 4). …”
Section: Tibetan-language Literacy: the Gompa (Buddhist Temple)mentioning
Attempting to harness the powers of literacy to improve his standing and opportunities in rapidly developing Nepal, Dil Bahadur Tamang, an ambitious uneducated man of the hill village of Charigaon, instead encounters a most unexpected book of power and magic. This article tells the story of his encounter and of my own attempts to understand it. What is it about a book of essays by Lenin that makes it magic? Village resources for interpreting the significance of written materials include secular, Nepali-language schooling with its contexts of development, bureaucracy and state power; Tibetan Buddhist textuality with its ritual and lamaic authority; and the seemingly effortless literacy of foreigners -as well as a variety of less obviously related domains such as street magic, love curses and possession. In the end, however, the major power that literacy carries into Dil Bahadur's life is its power to exclude him.
“…The Tamang people are categorised as ‗marginalised indigenous' people as recognised by the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) (Bhattachan et al, 2018) as of now. However, they face many stereotypes as the eater of dead cows (March, 1983), eating beef co-signs as a lower order of humanity (Campbell, 1998) and the term -Bhote‖ (Zemach-Bersin, 2005). The economic mobility limitation as to ‗Pipa' during the Rana regime, no access to military and need to serve as bonded laboursas menial labourers for the rulers.…”
Section: Positions Of Tamang People In Nepali Societymentioning
School education is the foundation for continuing education and attainment of basic skills and knowledge. Despite the international promises such as Education for All, Universal Primary Education, and national provision of school education as free and compulsory in Nepal, most of the marginalised people could not complete their school education. Among them, girls from the Tamang community are still confronting insurmountable challenges in accessing and undergoing schooling experience in Nepal. This paper argues that the schooling process of the Tamang girls is influenced by the embedded characteristics of cultural setting and their subjectivities through their stories. Using narrative inquiry as a research method for the study, this paper explored that schooling is shaped by the complex and dynamic role of embedded identities, power, and historicity of the community and people. I present how the Tamang girls experience their school education and how it has been the foundation for their higher education journey as well as identities formation. The paper concludes that identities of Tamang girls in school are multiple, intersubjective, and contextual, which are less recognised in modern schooling.
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