What, Me Vote?

Freeman, Richard B.

doi:10.3386/w9896

Cited by 28 publications

(33 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…It was not until Freeman (2003b) that valid measures and estimation techniques were identified such that comparison across datasets and countries could be undertaken. Freeman (2003) identified the union voting gap, defined as the mean difference between the proportion of union members (or members of union households) who vote and the proportion of non-union members who vote; and the union voting premium, defined as the difference in voting rates among persons with and without union attachment who have observationally similar characteristics.…”

Section: Individual Voter Turnout and Union Membership: Assessing Thementioning

confidence: 99%

What Accounts for the Union Member Advantage in Voter Turnout? Evidence from the European Union, 2002-2008

Bryson

Gómez

Kretschmer³

et al. 2015

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Résumé de l'articleParmi plusieurs pays, l'adhésion syndicale et le taux de participation lors de scrutins populaires sont fortement corrélés. En termes non-ajustés les électeurs qui sont membres de syndicats présentent un taux de participation d'environ 0,10 à 0,12 points de pourcentage plus élevé que les électeurs non-syndiqués. Nous postulons et justifions un modèle, comprenant trois types de causes, qui explique cette corrélation, puis testons empiriquement la contribution de chacun à l'écart de participation global en faveur des électeurs syndiqués.En premier lieu, la dimension dite « monopolistique » du syndicalisme (c.-à-d. que l'action syndicale permet aux membres d'accroître leurs salaires alors que justement un des éléments déterminants du taux de participation électorale est le fait d'avoir un revenu plus élevé) favoriserait une plus grande participation électorale. En second lieu, le modèle de « tradition sociale » véhiculée par les syndicats constituerait un incitatif pour les électeurs syndiqués à aller voter soit pour avoir le sentiment d'accomplir leur devoir d'électeur ou encore pour être vu par leurs collègues comme ayant accompli ce devoir. Enfin en troisième et dernier lieu le fait, pour des électeurs, d'être (ou d'avoir été) exposés comme employés, aux structures formelles de la négociation collective et de la représentation syndicale dans les milieux de travail, ce que l'on considère comme un des rôles fondamentaux du syndicalisme soit d'être un « porte-parole » ou en anglais « Voice-Face », les inciteraient aussi à développer davantage d'attachement envers les structures de gouvernance démocratique dans la société.Nous cherchons à vérifier quelle proportion de cette « prime du vote syndical » brute au taux de participation électorale est redevable à ces trois types de facteurs à partir de données contemporaines en provenance de 29 pays européens. Nous observons que les trois types de facteurs sont bel et bien à l'oeuvre, le facteur de type « porteparole » ou « Voice » ayant un effet dominant (comptant pour environ la moitié de l'écart global -ou de la prime -observé) tandis que les deux autres types de facteurs (dimension monopolistique et tradition sociale) comptant environ chacun pour le quart de l'écart global. In unadjusted terms union members maintain a roughly 0.10 to 0.12 point gap in voting propensity over non-members. We propose a model-with three causal channels-that explains this correlation and then empirically tests for the contribution of each channel to the overall union voting gap. The first channel through which union members are more likely to vote is through the so-called "monopoly face" of unionism whereby unions increase wages for members and higher incomes are a significant positive determinant of voting. The second is the "social custom" model of unionism whereby co-worker peer pressure creates incentives for union members to vote alongside fellow members. The third channel is based on the "voice face" of unionism whereby employees who are (or have been) exposed to c...

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Section: Individual Voter Turnout and Union Membership: Assessing Thementioning

confidence: 99%

What Accounts for the Union Member Advantage in Voter Turnout? Evidence from the European Union, 2002-2008

Bryson

Gómez

Kretschmer³

et al. 2015

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Empowerment connects peer support to agency-in the COSO and beyond. One study found, for example, that nearly 20% of members of self-help groups had written letters to their elected officials during the previous year and that 55% had voted in the last election (a higher percentage than voting-age Americans overall [8,15]. Nearly all the COSO directors interviewed described the founding of their organizations as an act of consumer agency.…”

Section: Coso Profiles In One Statementioning

confidence: 92%

“…The naming of mentally ill people ''consumers'' or, in the British version, ''users,'' has been challenged on several grounds. Cowden and Singh [12] point up the impotence of most consumers and argue that without addressing the issue of power, ''the voice of the User becomes a fetish,'' i.e., something that purports to represent ''authenticity and truth'' but exerts no real influence (15). Bolzan and Gale [4] argue that in fact, mentally ill people exercise agency not as consumers but as members of networks-as peers who define their needs and devise ways to meet them.…”

Section: The Coso As a Locus Of Citizenshipmentioning

confidence: 98%

Mental Health Consumer-Operated Services Organizations in the US: Citizenship as a Core Function and Strategy for Growth

Tanenbaum

2010

Health Care Anal

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Consumer-operated services organizations (COSOs) are independent, non-profit organizations that provide peer support and other non-clinical services to seriously mentally ill people. Mental health consumers provide many of these services and make up at least a majority of the organization's leadership. Although the dominant conception of the COSO is as an adjunct to clinical care in the public mental health system, this paper reconcieves the organization as a civic association and thereby a locus of citizenship. Drawing on empirical research on COSOs in one state and the citizenship and civic democracy literatures, COSOs are analyzed here as membership organizations with democratic norms and strong ties to local communities. The suggestion is made that by embracing and enhancing their status as civic associations, COSOs may advance the goals of the social movement that spawned them and avoid predictable obstacles to further growth and development.

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“…This was due to increasing competitiveness throughout the U.S. economy, and union companies faced nonunion competition (Blanchflower & Bryson, 2008). Within the union sector, wage inequality was low (Freeman, 2004), but declining unionism contributed to a steep increase in wage inequality in both the United States and the United Kingdom during the 1980s. And in Canada, the rise in the real minimum wage may have actually offset the pressure toward increased inequality associated with the decline in union strength during the 1980s and late-1990s, while in the United States, it was approximately constant over the same period (Card, Lemieux, & Riddell, 2008).…”

Section: Public Policy Hypothesismentioning

confidence: 99%

Is Inequality Designed or Preordained?

Levin-Waldman

2017

Sage Open

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The conventional explanation of raising income inequality is often referred to as the market forces hypothesis. Global forces have led to structural economic changes in which we now have a two-tiered economy: a highly skilled and highly paid economy at the top of the income distribution and a poorly skilled and poorly paid economy at the bottom of the income distribution. In recent years, however, the conventional theory has been called into question by what can be characterized as the public policy hypothesis that holds that it is because of public policy, both active and passive, that labor market institutions that served to bolster incomes of the poor and middle class deteriorated. As a consequence of this deterioration, income inequality has only risen. Through an examination of data from the Current Population Survey during the 2000s, this article seeks to address to what extent these two hypotheses are related. Although there is no question that the data does support the market forces hypothesis, the data also show that these forces may have been exacerbated by the deterioration of important labor market institutions.

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What, Me Vote?

Cited by 28 publications

References 11 publications

What Accounts for the Union Member Advantage in Voter Turnout? Evidence from the European Union, 2002-2008

What Accounts for the Union Member Advantage in Voter Turnout? Evidence from the European Union, 2002-2008

Mental Health Consumer-Operated Services Organizations in the US: Citizenship as a Core Function and Strategy for Growth

Is Inequality Designed or Preordained?

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