In 1999, parliament convened in Scotland for the first time since it was dissolved in favour of a single UK parliament by the 1706 and 1707 Acts of Union. Although Education in Scotland had long been distinct from the rest of the UK, the new parliament provided an opportunity for Scotland to assert its newfound autonomy in a meaningful way. In 2002, the then Scottish Education Minister, Cathy Jamieson, called for a 'National Debate on Education' which would 'sharpen the focus of what Scotland wants from its schools in the 21st century' so that the government might 'carefully plan how to realise that vision from where we are today' (Scottish Executive 2002, 5). Although focused on education, these debates can be seen as proxies for larger questions about the Scottish nation as a whole: How did a devolved Scotland see itself? What kind of future did Scotland want? What was Scotland's place in the world? As Green reminds us, education is 'both parent and child to the nation state' (Green 1997, 1). This debate gave rise to the publication of 'A Curriculum for Excellence' (Scottish Executive 2004) which differed markedly from the non-statutory 5-14 Guidelines (SOED 1993) on curriculum that had preceded it. This chapter looks closely at the framing of history in the two curricula, explores the nature of these differences and offers an explanation for them. It is argued that Curriculum for Excellence was conceived at a historic moment where two powerful (and seemingly antagonistic) discourses converged. The first of these was the flowering of national self-belief that came with the re-creation of the Scottish parliament. The second was a supranational trend for education systems in the west to homogenise and coalesce around an instrumental business-friendly approach to education (Avis, et al. 1996, Ozga and Lingard 2007, Priestley 2002. While Green (1997) has argued that the processes of globalisation inevitably diminished nationalism in the school curricula of advanced economies, Scotland stood apart from this: as an emerging nation, its nationalism fused with its globalism.Following Arnott and Ozga (2010;2016), it is suggested that these pressures created a form of civic nationalism consisting of an inward discourse which emphasises national 'flourishing' and an outward 1 The epithet 'understated nation' was first used by David McCrone in a 2005 paper in the British Journal of Sociology and is a reference to Jacques Leruez's famous description of Scotland as a 'stateless nation ' (1993). McCrone had previously used Leruez's phrase approvingly (McCrone, Understanding Scotland: The Sociology of a Stateless Nation 1992), before later deciding that the term was 'less than accurate'.