“…upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery subordination to the superior race is his natural and normal condition” (American Battlefield Trust, 1861b). Scholars in fields such as anthropology, literature and rhetoric, sociology, public history, cultural geography, memory studies, and others have critically analyzed the politics of writing US Southern textbooks and school standards (Bailey, 1991; Loewen, 2007; Sebesta, 2012), constructing, relocating, and removing monuments to Confederate heroes (Cox, 2003, 2021; Domby, 2020; Sheehan and Speights-Binet, 2019; Wahlers, 2015), (re)naming streets and schools after Confederate soldiers (Brasher et al, 2017; Hague and Sebesta, 2011; Levy et al, 2017), and fighting to retain traces of Confederate imagery within official state buildings and flags and on courthouse grounds and centrally located plazas (Webster and Leib, 2001, 2002). Studies of Confederate and US Southern memory politics, as a result, have often focused on the racialized memories of enslavement to the exclusion of Indigenous genocide and dispossession (but see Denson, 2017).…”