When is fertility too low or too high? Population policy preferences of demographers around the world

Dalen, H.P. van; Henkens, Kène

doi:10.1080/00324728.2020.1784986

Cited by 11 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 52 publications

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“…In the second level, we classified the outcome as binary, such that a threshold of 3 children or fewer was classified as “0” representing preference of a small family size and adolescents who preferred 4 or more children were classified as “1” representing preference of a large family size. This choice for the cut-off was informed by existing literature on determination of low or high fertility [ 38 – 40 ].…”

Section: Methods and Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Perceived ideal number of children among adolescent girls in sub-Saharan Africa: does exposure to family planning messages matter?

Phiri,

Lemba,

Shasha

et al. 2023

BMC Women's Health

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Background Even though evidence shows that fertility transition has begun almost everywhere in sub–Saharan Africa (SSA), the decline has been slower than in other parts of the world. Research shows that there is a positive relationship between fertility levels and fertility preference. Therefore, many countries in the region are implementing family planning education campaigns targeting at influencing reproductive behavior of women. Thus, this study aimed to examine the extent to which exposure to family planning communication influences fertility preferences of adolescent girls in SSA. Methods This study used data extracted from the most recent Demographic and Health Survey datasets for 28 countries in SSA. Analyses were conducted on a pooled sample of 87,950 female adolescents’ aged 15–19 years who were captured in respective country’s survey. Multivariable binary logistic regression model was fitted in Stata version 17 software to examine the association between exposure to family planning communication and fertility preference among adolescent girls in SSA. Results The average fertility preference among adolescent girls in SSA was 4.6 children (95% CI: 4.5, 4.7). Findings show that regardless of the country, adolescents who had exposure to family planning messages [aOR = 0.76, 95% CI = 0.72–0.80] were less likely to prefer 4 or more children. On average, fertility preference among adolescents who had exposure to family planning communication was (3.8 children compared to 4.5 children; p < 0.001) among those with no exposure. Furthermore, results show that married adolescents in SSA who had exposure to family planning message had a higher average preferred family size compared to those who were not married (4.8 versus 3.8; p < 0.001). Conclusion Exposure to family planning communication has shown the potential to influence adolescents’ fertility preference in sub-Saharan Africa. Adolescents with exposure to family planning messages preferred a small family size. Therefore, there is a need to scale-up family planning education programmes in order to reduce fertility further in SSA.

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Section: Methods and Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Perceived ideal number of children among adolescent girls in sub-Saharan Africa: does exposure to family planning messages matter?

Phiri,

Lemba,

Shasha

et al. 2023

BMC Women's Health

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Such widely differing population growth implications of the same level of fertility in the context of differing migration would bring very different population‐related challenges. In view of this, a “one size fits all” consensus view on “optimum” range for fertility would appear illogical (Van Dalen and Henkens 2021). Rather a “horses for courses” country and migration‐context‐specific view of the preferred national fertility level is warranted.…”

Section: Bringing a New Perspective To The Fertility Levels Of Europe...mentioning

confidence: 99%

An Alternative Perspective on the Changing Relationships between Fertility and Replacement Level in European Countries

Parr¹

2023

Population & Development Rev

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This paper brings a new perspective to the population growth implications of the low fertility levels of European countries. For years between 2009 and 2018, whether constant fertility, mortality, and net migration would generate long‐run population growth or population decrease is indicated simply and visually by comparison of the total fertility rate (TFR) to a migration‐adjusted replacement level. The results show that, when considered in combination with concurrent net migration and mortality, the population growth implication of low fertility varies between countries and over time. For Sweden, Luxembourg, Belgium, and the United Kingdom for all the years considered the fertility–mortality–migration combination is coherent with long‐run population growth. For the former two countries, long‐run population growth would be sustained by net migration at current levels even if fertility were to fall to very low levels. In contrast, for every Eastern European country and year considered, unchanged fertility–mortality–migration combination would lead to population decrease. The need for an alternative view of low fertility in terms of whether the TFR is above or below a migration‐adjusted replacement level and the need for a migration context‐specific view, as distinct from a universal best view, of the desirability of fertility level are discussed.

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“…3 4 For example, total fertility rates in 2018 for the USA were 1.7, 1.7 for the UK, 1.4 for Japan and only 1.1 for the Southeast Asian city-state of Singapore. 5 With an estimated replacement fertility rate of 2.1, [6][7][8] countries such as these must rely on immigration policies to maintain their current population levels.…”

Section: The Ethical Importance Of Researchmentioning

confidence: 99%

Two kinds of embryo research: four case examples

et al. 2022

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There are ethical obligations to conduct research that contributes to generalisable knowledge and improves reproductive health, and this should include embryo research in jurisdictions where it is permitted. Often, the controversial nature of embryo research can alarm ethics committee members, which can unnecessarily delay important research that can potentially improve fertility for patients and society. Such delay is ethically unjustified. Moreover, countries such as the UK, Australia and Singapore have legislation which unnecessarily captures low-risk research, such as observational research, in an often cumbersome and protracted review process. Such countries should revise such legislation to better facilitate low-risk embryo research.We introduce a philosophical distinction to help decision-makers more efficiently identify higher risk embryo research from that which presents no more risks to persons than other types of tissue research. That distinction is between future person embryo research and non-future person embryo research. We apply this distinction to four examples of embryo research that might be presented to ethics committees.Embryo research is most controversial and deserving of detailed scrutiny when it potentially affects a future person. Where it does not, it should generally require less ethical scrutiny. We explore a variety of ways in which research can affect a future person, including by deriving information about that person, and manipulating eggs or sperm before an embryo is created.

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When is fertility too low or too high? Population policy preferences of demographers around the world

Cited by 11 publications

References 52 publications

Perceived ideal number of children among adolescent girls in sub-Saharan Africa: does exposure to family planning messages matter?

Perceived ideal number of children among adolescent girls in sub-Saharan Africa: does exposure to family planning messages matter?

An Alternative Perspective on the Changing Relationships between Fertility and Replacement Level in European Countries

Two kinds of embryo research: four case examples

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