When Marriage Ends

Andreß, Hans‐Jürgen; Hummelsheim, Dina

doi:10.4337/9781848447202

Cited by 19 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…The impact of relative resources is not gender-neutral, as women need comparatively more resources than men to negotiate staying in the home (Mulder 2013;Andreß and Hummelsheim 2009;McCarthy and Simpson 1991). Living in social housing, however, which is more prevalent among the less educated, reduces women's likelihood of moving out in Denmark and the United Kingdom (Gram-Hanssen and Bech-Danielssen 2008; Thomas, Mulder, and Cooke 2017a).…”

Section: Moves Following Separationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Remain, leave, or return? Mothers’ location continuity after separation in Belgium

Schnor¹,

Mikolai²

2020

DemRes

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

BACKGROUND Partnership dissolution can mark an extended period of residential instability for mothers and their children. Location continuity, i.e., the ability to stay in or return to the same neighbourhood after separation, is essential to reduce the negative consequences of separation. OBJECTIVE We focus on mothers' post-separation location continuity in the three years following separation and study the role of socioeconomic resources and local ties (to a home, neighbourhood, and region) in remaining in or returning to their pre-separation neighbourhood. METHODS Using linked Belgian Census (2001) and register data (2001-2006), we estimate multinomial logistic regression models (N = 25,802). Based on the occurrence, frequency, and destination of moves, we distinguish between high, moderate, and low degrees of location continuity. We also study the probability of remaining in, leaving, or returning to the pre-separation neighbourhood. RESULTS Mothers who live at their place of birth (a measure of local ties) tend to stay in or return to their pre-separation neighbourhood or region; if they have more socioeconomic resources they are more likely to remain in the family home. Mothers from disadvantaged backgrounds move further and more often. CONCLUSION If separated mothers lack socioeconomic resources and local ties, they are less likely to

show abstract

Section: Moves Following Separationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Remain, leave, or return? Mothers’ location continuity after separation in Belgium

Schnor¹,

Mikolai²

2020

DemRes

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Whilst there is evidence of a long-term shift towards more equal control of household finances amongst younger couples, inequalities in the labour market can still be replicated in the home, with men having a greater role in the more significant spending decisions and with women's earnings being seen as less important (Irwin and Bottero, 2000;Vogler et al, 2006;Price et al, 2017). Following divorce, women can have more difficulties in paying off their debts compared to divorced men (Andress and Hummelsheim, 2009). Financial debts can have a negative impact on people's health and wellbeing and may also place increased demands on the welfare state if people need additional support (Clayton et al, 2015;French and McKillop, 2017;Hiilamo and Grundy, 2020).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Financial debt amongst older women in the United Kingdom – shame, abuse and resilience

Purdam

Prattley

2020

Ageing and Society

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Long-term poverty, precarious employment, low pay, the increased pension age and real-term reductions in welfare benefits, including bereavement allowances, have brought into focus the financial vulnerability of many older women aged 55 years and older in the United Kingdom. In this article, survey data were analysed alongside evidence from observations of debt support meetings and interviews with older women who were receiving debt advice from a support charity. The findings suggest that older women were more likely to have financial problems than older men, particularly those women who were living on low incomes and who were separated or divorced. Following the breakdown of a relationship, many older women were at increased risk of more debt and bankruptcy, particularly those aged between 55 and 64 years and those in routine and semi-routine occupations. Many women had kept their financial problems hidden due to fear and shame whilst bringing up their children and some had been subject to coercive control and economic abuse by their former husbands or partners. It is important that any pension reforms, changes to minimum wage rates, and new divorce and domestic abuse legislation and welfare policies take account of the circumstances of separated, divorced and widowed older women. More financial support and advice needs to be provided to older women facing financial difficulties.

show abstract

“…The past few decades have witnessed rising divorce rates, the growing popularity of unmarried cohabitation, and increasingly fragile partnerships in many developed countries. In this context, what happens after union dissolution has attracted increased scholarly attention (Andreß and Hummelsheim 2009;Leopold 2018), including studies on the housing consequences of divorce and separation (see, for example, Mulder 2015 andCooke, Mulder, and for up-to-date summaries of relevant research). When a cohabiting relationship or a marriage dissolves, by definition one or both of the former partners leave the joint household.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Housing consequences of divorce and separation in a 'super home ownership' regime: The case of Hungary

Murinkó¹

2019

DemRes

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

BACKGROUND Partnership dissolution is a major reason for residential mobility and migration for former partners. Moving is more resource-intensive in a 'super home ownership' housing regime like Hungary and may increase the vulnerability of people with low socioeconomic status. This analysis is the first attempt to study the interrelationship between partnership transitions and housing dynamics in a Central and Eastern European country. OBJECTIVE We analyse how people adjust their housing situation and place of residence to their changing family circumstances after partnership dissolution in Hungary. METHODS We study change in partnership status and housing between 2008 and 2012 using the Hungarian Generations and Gender Survey (n = 5,408) with descriptive analysis and logistic regression models. The role of cohabitation and marriage, coresidence with parents, housing tenure, and socioeconomic status receives special attention. RESULTS Former couples move more often after divorce than separation from cohabitation, but divorcees who lived with their parents before union dissolution tend to stay. For men, returning to the parental household is a common solution. Both high and low socioeconomic status may increase the probability of moving after separation or divorce. CONCLUSIONS Home ownership is a motivating factor for moving after divorce in Hungary. Parental household provides an important 'safety net' and in some cases a long-term solution for couples in an inflexible housing market where the system of public housing is missing and private rental is expensive. http://www.demographic-research.org CONTRIBUTION We emphasise the importance of differentiating between the dissolution of marriages and cohabitations and considering coresidence with parents both as the origin and destination of moves.

show abstract

When Marriage Ends

Cited by 19 publications

References 0 publications

Remain, leave, or return? Mothers’ location continuity after separation in Belgium

Remain, leave, or return? Mothers’ location continuity after separation in Belgium

Financial debt amongst older women in the United Kingdom – shame, abuse and resilience

Housing consequences of divorce and separation in a 'super home ownership' regime: The case of Hungary

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About