White Space(s) and the Reproduction of White Supremacy

Embrick, David G.; Moore, Wendy Leo

doi:10.1177/0002764220975053

Cited by 42 publications

(49 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…White sanctuaries depend on active work to consolidate economic, social, and political resources in favor of Whites and support the belief that Whites enjoy dominance over place and space (Embrick and Moore 2020). Within White sanctuaries, this work appears natural, normal, and unremarkable—as White habitus.…”

Section: White Sanctuary White Habitus and The Production Of Impunitymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Deeply and often unconsciously held, durable, and self‐reproducing, white habitus coordinates everyday practice with social structure—reflecting, reinforcing, and reproducing relations of inequality through preferences, tastes, and habits that often appear “merely” cultural. Through the legitimation of “White resource hoarding, racially oppressive hierarchies, and the routine subjugation of people of color” (Embrick and Moore 2020:1937), White habitus powerfully claims and reproduces White space that, inter alia, legitimates and normalizes white dominance as White habitus.…”

Section: White Sanctuary White Habitus and The Production Of Impunitymentioning

confidence: 99%

“… 8 8 Spanning from the slave patrols of the emergent American republic (Hadden 2003) to the contemporary presumption of White people like Amy Cooper that the law protects their unlawful actions (Embrick and Moore 2020), we note that this warrant has persisted in different forms throughout American history. …”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Whiteness and Impunity: Examining Virginia's Second Amendment Sanctuary Movement

Garnar

Lister

Carlson

2021

Sociological Inquiry

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How do people who consider themselves law abiding mobilize against "offensive" laws? Stated differently, how do people assert impunity? Although sociologists robustly document the unequal administration of American law, most focus on the production and legitimation of racial disparities through punishment rather than impunity. We use theories of Whiteness to analyze Virginia's Second Amendment sanctuary resolutions, illuminating how impunity is reproduced as a White prerogative, to engage sociological debates surrounding race and the legal system. These resolutions draw on an ideology of rights centered on the sanctification of the Constitution to buttress their standing and affirm gun-owning Americans as enactors/defenders of social order by decrying state efforts to restrict gun access. Our analysis suggests that Second Amendment sanctuary supporters assert a relation of impunity between themselves and the law by reflecting and reproducing White habitus and by reconstructing the rule of law through reliance on exclusionary tropes involving American values, tradition, and Constitutionality. Our analysis reveals that resolution supporters routinely asserted Second Amendment sanctuaries as White sanctuaries, tying Whiteness to gun rights and shaping how social structures (including laws) are organized.

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Section: White Sanctuary White Habitus and The Production Of Impunitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: White Sanctuary White Habitus and The Production Of Impunitymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Whiteness and Impunity: Examining Virginia's Second Amendment Sanctuary Movement

Garnar

Lister

Carlson

2021

Sociological Inquiry

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“…Building from Ture and Hamilton's concept of "institutional racism" in 1967, scholars have long documented how the racial, gender and social order are institutionalized in policies and practices that are oftentimes invisible and perceived as neutral (Bonilla-Silva and Lewis 1996;Embrick and Moore 2020). Such everyday policies and practices are normalized as the "tradition" and the best or most efficient ways of running organizations (Oakes 1985).…”

Section: Institutionalized Policies and White Heteronormative Patriarchal Space(s)mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Interlocking Processes Constraining the Struggle for Sanctuary in the Trump Era: The Case of La Puente, CA

Ochoa

2021

Social Sciences

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By 10 January 2017, activists in the predominately Latina/o working class city of La Puente, California had lobbied the council to declare the city a sanctuary supporting immigrants, people of color, Muslims, LGBTQ people, and people with disabilities. The same community members urged the school district to declare itself a sanctuary. While community members rejoiced in pushing elected officials to pass these inclusive resolutions, there were multiple roadblocks reducing the potential for more substantive change. Drawing on city council and school board meetings, resolutions and my own involvement in this sanctuary struggle, I focus on a continuum of three overlapping and interlocking manifestations of white supremacist heteronormative patriarchy: neoliberal diversity discourses, institutionalized policies, and a re-emergence of high-profiled white supremacist activities. Together, these dynamics minimized, contained and absorbed community activism and possibilities of change. They reinforced the status quo by maintaining limits on who belongs and sustaining intersecting hierarchies of race, immigration status, gender, and sexuality. This extended case adds to the scant scholarship on the current sanctuary struggles, including among immigration scholars. It also illustrates how the state co-opts and marginalizes movement language, ideas, and people, providing a cautionary tale about the forces that restrict more transformative change.

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“…Among the racial-ethnic groups we examine in this study, Black and Latinx 2 people comprise the “collective Black” category, and Asian American people occupy the “honorary White” category. 3 As recent high-profile instances of police violence against unarmed Black citizens make apparent, anti-Black racism remains palpable in the United States (Embrick and Moore 2020). The past several years have also witnessed rising anti-immigrant sentiment.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Factors Affecting Public Opinion on the Denial of Healthcare to Transgender Persons

Doan

Grace

2022

Am Sociol Rev

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Between one-fifth and a third of people who are transgender have been refused treatment by a medical provider due to their gender identity. Yet, we know little about the factors that shape public opinion on this issue. We present results from a nationally representative survey experiment ( N = 4,876) that examines how common justifications issued by providers for the denial of healthcare, and the race and gender identity of the person being denied care, intersect to shape public opinion concerning the acceptability of treatment refusal. We find that religious objections are viewed as less acceptable compared to a medical justification, in this case, inadequate training. However, the difference between religious objections and inadequate training is larger when the person being denied healthcare is White or Asian than when the person is Black or Latinx. Analysis of open-ended responses indicates the modest effect of doctor’s rationale on attitudes toward treatment refusal with respect to Black and Latinx patients is partially attributable to a racialized, free-market logic. Respondents were more likely to advocate for a doctor’s fundamental right to refuse service when evaluating Black and Latinx patients compared to White patients. We discuss the implications of these findings for intersectional approaches to trans studies and future public opinion research.

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White Space(s) and the Reproduction of White Supremacy

Cited by 42 publications

References 21 publications

Whiteness and Impunity: Examining Virginia's Second Amendment Sanctuary Movement

Whiteness and Impunity: Examining Virginia's Second Amendment Sanctuary Movement

The Interlocking Processes Constraining the Struggle for Sanctuary in the Trump Era: The Case of La Puente, CA

Factors Affecting Public Opinion on the Denial of Healthcare to Transgender Persons

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