Who are the members of the French National Front? Evidence from interview research

Stockemer, Daniel

doi:10.1057/fp.2014.1

Cited by 18 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 34 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Party supporters' division can even lead to party split, as is observed in the cases of the Freedom Party of Austria (the split of the Alliance for the Future of Austria) (Luther 2003) or the French National Rally (the split of the French Nationalist Party) (Stockemer 2014). Therefore, political parties do not want an issue to prevail in the political agenda when their supporters are not united in their preferences on the issue (van de Wardt 2014).…”

Section: Issue Disadvantages and Issue Avoidancementioning

confidence: 99%

Rationality of Irrationality

Han¹

2022

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Citizens in democracies complain that political parties’ positions on major issues are too ambiguous for them to confidently understand. Why is party position ambiguity so common? Are party positions ambiguous because political parties fail in forming clear policies or because they deliberately blur their positions? Rationality of Irrationality argues that political parties are motivated to strategically blur their position on an issue when they struggle with a certain disadvantage in the issue. Specifically, political parties present an ambiguous position when their own supporters are divided in their stances on the issue. A political party also blurs position stances when voters do not acknowledge that the party has the ability and integrity to solve problems related to the issue. Political parties blur their position in these cases because ambiguous party positions divert voters’ attention from the issue. Voters support a political party whose policy positions on major issues are close to their own stances. However, voters cannot confidently and exactly estimate party positions on an issue when they are only ambiguous.

show abstract

Section: Issue Disadvantages and Issue Avoidancementioning

confidence: 99%

Rationality of Irrationality

Han¹

2022

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Specifically, Nilsson presents a case study of Riposte Laïque to showcase how this populist media outlet has impacted debates on laïcité. See also Stockemer (2014): 36-58, for background on the political values and personal beliefs that unify members of the Front National. 35 Catherine Segurane, "France: du Minaret à l'appel à la prière," AgoraVox: Le Média Citoyen, August 16, 2011. https ://www.agora vox.fr/actua lites /relig ions/artic le/franc e-du-minar et-a-l-appel -a-la-99011 .…”

Section: Common Sense As the Arbiter Of Exclusionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Common sense politics: religion and belonging in French public space

Weitzel

2020

Fr Polit

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Public “common sense” should be conceptualized as an important force structuring the politics of belonging. Homing in on the embodied and sensory aspects of common, taken-for-granted knowledge and the habits of perception that inform it, this article demonstrates how culturally entrained listening practices structure rights to the city and the exercise of citizenship. By tuning into the significance of ambient religious sound, it offers an empirical, ethnographic investigation into how common sense, in dialogue with constitutional and municipal law, shapes practices of citizenship and participation in French public space. The article argues that common sense deriving from perception and interpretation of public sound among majority French represents a stubborn obstacle to French Muslims’ exercise of full citizenship; indeed, it enacts a kind of violence that locks French Muslims out of agentive citizenry, rendering them objects to be muted at will, not fellow citizens to be heard.

show abstract

“…In fact, the majority of the qualitative studies we review highlight that there are various types of activists (e.g. Linden and Klandermans 2007; Stockemer 2014, Lantos and Kende 2015). As an example of this diversity of radical right-wing activists, Annette Linden and Bert Klandermans (2007) identify four prototypes of supporters based on the individual life histories of approximately 40 Dutch activists.…”

Section: In-depth Case Studies On the Support Of The Radical Right: Wmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…If there are different types of activists, it is only logical to assume that various types of individuals who feel drawn to the slogans, goals and rhetoric of the radical right have undergone different forms of political socialization. For example, the qualitative literature highlights that regardless of their gender, age or education, Ideologues or Revolutionaries have deep-rooted convictions which have often been passed on from parents to children during childhood socialization or through socialization by peers during young adulthood (Lantos and Kende 2015; Stockemer 2014). The quantitative research does not capture this group of activists as it very rarely asks whether individuals’ parents were already supporters of the radical right, nor do major surveys tackle the question of youth socialization.…”

Section: In-depth Case Studies On the Support Of The Radical Right: Wmentioning

confidence: 99%

Individual Predictors of the Radical Right-Wing Vote in Europe: A Meta-Analysis of Articles in Peer-Reviewed Journals (1995–2016)

Stockemer¹,

Lentz²,

Mayer³

2018

Gov. & oppos.

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

In this article, we summarize the individual demand-level factors explaining the radical right-wing vote in European countries. To do so, we first review 46 quantitative peer-reviewed articles featuring the individual vote choice in favour of a radical right-wing party as the dependent variable. To identify relevant articles, we use Kai Arzheimer’s bibliography on the radical right and employ the following inclusion criterion: the articles must be written in English, they must use the individual vote for a radical right-wing party as the dependent variable, they must use a quantitative methodology and they must include some type of regression analysis. Using this strategy, we conduct a meta-analysis of 329 relevant models and find that over 20 individual variables are tested. Because many variables such as attitudes towards immigration, employment, age, education and gender only show moderate success rates in attempting to explain an individual’s propensity to vote for the radical right, we complement the review of quantitative studies with an analysis of 14 qualitative publications. The review of these qualitative works shows that the processes through which somebody becomes a voter, supporter or activist of the radical right are often more complex than the commonly used surveys can portray them. Frequently, feelings of relative economic deprivation and dissatisfaction with the political regime trigger an awakening that makes individuals seek engagement. However, the processes behind this awakening are complex and can only be partially captured by quantitative studies.

show abstract

Who are the members of the French National Front? Evidence from interview research

Cited by 18 publications

References 34 publications

Rationality of Irrationality

Rationality of Irrationality

Common sense politics: religion and belonging in French public space

Individual Predictors of the Radical Right-Wing Vote in Europe: A Meta-Analysis of Articles in Peer-Reviewed Journals (1995–2016)

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About