Who frames the debate on the Arab uprisings? Analysis of Arabic, English, and French academic scholarship

AlMaghlouth, Nada; Arvanitis, Rigas; Cointet, Jean‐Philippe; Ḥanafī, Sārī

doi:10.1177/0268580915580157

Cited by 20 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 30 publications

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“…We know all this, yet important questions remain unanswered. Hence the seemingly never ending attempts (of which this paper is one) to 'frame the debate' about the true significance of the events of 2011 (see [25]). …”

Section: Some Knownsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Still Troubled: Tunisia’s Youth During and Since the Revolution of 2011

2017

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This paper presents evidence from interviews in 2015-2016 with a nationally representative sample of Tunisia's 15-29 year olds. We focus on the sample's political participation and orientations during the revolution of 2011 and subsequently. We find that just 6.6 percent of those aged 15-24 at the time played any direct part in the 'events of 2011'. Political engagement then and subsequently is shown to have been influenced most strongly by a university education and growing up in a politically engaged family. In 2015-2016, young people were overwhelmingly pro-democracy, supported equal opportunities and status for the sexes, and endorsed values of self-expression, but attached equal importance to economic security and betterment, felt that their country's traditions should be maintained and respected, and were personally religious, though three-quarters wanted religion to be kept out of politics and government. Although Tunisia is the sole Arab Spring country to emerge with a still functioning (in 2017) multi-party democracy, we find that in 2015-2016, the majority of young people did not trust their elected politicians. Our survey findings suggest explanations for the paradox between young Tunisians' overwhelming support for democracy alongside intense disappointment with the outcomes.

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Section: Some Knownsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Still Troubled: Tunisia’s Youth During and Since the Revolution of 2011

2017

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“…Hence the seemingly never ending attempts (of which this paper is one) to 'frame the debate' about the true significance of the events of 2011 (see AlMaghlouth et al, 2015).…”

Section: Some Knownsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Modernisation theory meets Tunisia’s youth during and since the revolution of 2011

Roberts¹,

Kovacheva²,

Kabaivanov³

2017

swsp

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This paper presents evidence from interviews in 2015-16 with a nationally representative sample of Tunisia's 15-29 year olds. We use modernisation theory as a prism to examine the sample's political participation and orientations during the 'revolution' of 2011 and subsequently. We find that just 6.6 percent of those aged 15-24 at the time played any direct part in the 'events of 2011'. Political engagement then and subsequently is shown to have been influenced most strongly by a university education and growing-up in a politically engaged family. In 2015-16 the young people were overwhelmingly pro-democracy, supported equal opportunities and status for the sexes, and endorsed self-expression values, but attached equal importance to economic security and betterment, felt that their country's traditions should be maintained and respected, and were personally religious though threequarters wanted religion to be kept out of politics and government. We explain why Tunisia was the sole Arab Spring country to emerge with a still functioning (in 2016) multi-party democracy. This is despite the main parties having narrow and shallow support among the country's youth, most of whom do not trust their elected politicians. Our survey findings suggest explanations for the paradox between young Tunisians' overwhelming support for democracy alongside intense disappointment with the outcomes. These explanations include young Tunisians seeking a type of modernisation that does not map neatly onto Western versions of modernity, and which at present may not be realisable.

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“…One mechanism that is widely discussed is the international publication system and its consumption, which is dominated by European and North American producers, publishing houses and journals. This has given rise to the prevalence of Eurocentric views of social phenomena (AlMaghlouth et al, 2015;Beigel, 2014b;Ramos, 2014). A second mechanism is related to the inequitable evaluation and rewards systems based on prestige, visibility and scientific authority (Vessuri et al, 2013).…”

Section: Egalitarian or Hierarchical Network?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A study by AlMaghlouth et al (2015) of collaboration networks based on the analysis of a database containing 519 articles shows a clear hierarchy between three different knowledge production levels that conceptualize and debate the Arab uprisings: the socalled 'experts, informants and locals'. This work shows a hierarchy in which the third circle (locals) is comprised of authors that publish in Arabic and are relegated in the debate and in the framing of the event.…”

Section: Egalitarian or Hierarchical Network?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Exploring tensions in knowledge networks: Convergences and divergences from social capital, actor-network theory and sociologies of the south

Suárez

2016

Current Sociology

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Knowledge networks have been discussed as mechanisms that facilitate access to resources and information. They are noted as organizations that promote the generation of new contacts and interactions between actors in order to produce knowledge that increases the speed and reliability of communication. They are also understood as platforms that encourage learning and knowledge coordination in order to advance technoscientific innovation processes. Despite these benefits, knowledge networks can engender areas of tension. The article examines the tensions in knowledge networks by analysing the theoretical convergences and divergences between social capital insights, actor-network theory and several contributions from the sociologies of the south. The following four categories are discussed: (1) hierarchy production; (2) blockages to the access to resources; (3) the spatialization of networks; and (4) the different ways of understanding power. The latter offer opportunities to make the tensions in knowledge networks visible. The article proposes initiating a discussion focused on the dynamic movement of asymmetries to analyse knowledge networks between the global North and the global South as entities that are in a process of constant negotiation.

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Who frames the debate on the Arab uprisings? Analysis of Arabic, English, and French academic scholarship

Cited by 20 publications

References 30 publications

Still Troubled: Tunisia’s Youth During and Since the Revolution of 2011

Still Troubled: Tunisia’s Youth During and Since the Revolution of 2011

Modernisation theory meets Tunisia’s youth during and since the revolution of 2011

Exploring tensions in knowledge networks: Convergences and divergences from social capital, actor-network theory and sociologies of the south

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