Who Gets into Government? Coalition Formation in European Democracies

Döring, Holger; Hellström, Johan

doi:10.1080/01402382.2013.783347

Cited by 53 publications

(48 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…When the dimensionality of the party system and political parties themselves are in flux, this means that the structural attributes become even more important than when the conditions are more stable. In this respect, our results support the findings that one of us recently published with another co-author (Döring and Hellström 2013). Their conclusions were based on a slightly different dataset, on a different question (which party forms a coalition rather than when is a coalition formed) and using a different statistical method.…”

Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 90%

Government formation and breakdown in Western and Central Eastern Europe

2013

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In this paper, we use a new dataset describing governments, political parties and institutions to make an explicit comparison between Western and Central Eastern Europe (CEE) in the investigation of three different topical issues found in the coalition literature, namely coalition formation (i.e. which factors affect who forms the winning coalitions), the number of cabinet members (i.e. what affects the number of ministers in a cabinet) and cabinet duration (i.e. which factors affect how long a new government lasts). Our findings indicate that, regardless of all the discussions about how Central Eastern Europe is different from Western Europe ¬¬because of the post-communist heritage or the volatility of voters in the CEE region, structural attributes such as the size and number of political parties are important determinants of coalition formation and cabinet duration patterns in both the West and the East. In fact, precisely because of the unsettled nature of CEE party politics, structural attributes tend to matter even more in the East.

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Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 90%

Government formation and breakdown in Western and Central Eastern Europe

2013

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“…In contrast, we explicitly model dynamics over time in all models. While many traditional analyses of government formation data (e.g., Martin & Stevenson ; Schleiter & Morgan‐Jones ) do not address the issue of time but simply assume serial independence, some recent work (e.g., Döring & Hellström ; Schmitt ) has addressed this shortcoming and borrowed models from the analysis of time‐series cross‐section (TSCS) data. To be sure, data of government formations is not ‘classical’ TSCS data, as units are observed at different time points and at varying time intervals, but many TSCS methods can nevertheless be employed to model dynamics in this type of data .…”

Section: Analysis and Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…By using the number of cabinets since the last technocrat‐led formation as t rather than days/years, we redefine time ‘off the calendar’. This reflects the fact that actors are more likely to think about the last couple of formation occasions than about the physical time elapsed (see also Döring & Hellström ). See the Online Appendix for various robustness checks regarding the treatment of time.…”

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confidence: 99%

Dodging the bullet: How crises trigger technocrat‐led governments

Wratil

Pastorella

2017

European J Political Res

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Governments led by nonpartisan, ‘technocratic’ prime ministers are a rare phenomenon in parliamentary democracies, but have become more frequent since the late 1980s. This article focuses on the factors that lead to the formation of such cabinets. It posits that parliamentary parties with the chance to win the prime ministerial post will only relinquish it during political and economic crises that drastically increase the electoral costs of ruling and limit policy returns from governing. Statistical analyses of 469 government formations in 29 European democracies between 1977 and 2013 suggest that political scandals and economic recessions are major drivers of the occurrence of technocratic prime ministers. Meanwhile, neither presidential powers nor party system fragmentation and polarisation have any independent effect. The findings suggest that parties strategically choose technocrat‐led governments to shift blame and re‐establish their credibility and that of their policies in the face of crises that de‐legitimise their rule.

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“…Why are Liberal parties often so successful in getting into government, even though many of them are not particularly electorally successful? To answer this question, previous theoretical and empirical work that focuses on government participation or "who gets in" is of particular importance (Franklin and Mackie, 1984, Warwick, 1996, Mattila and Raunio, 2004, Döring and Hellström, 2013. In this literature a set of factors at both the party and the party system/country levels has been singled out as important determinants of a party's chance of entering government.…”

Section: Liberal Parties In Governmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Liberal Parties in Europe

Hellström¹,

Walther

2019

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Who Gets into Government? Coalition Formation in European Democracies

Cited by 53 publications

References 27 publications

Government formation and breakdown in Western and Central Eastern Europe

Government formation and breakdown in Western and Central Eastern Europe

Dodging the bullet: How crises trigger technocrat‐led governments

Liberal Parties in Europe

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