Who Supports Terrorism? Evidence from Fourteen Muslim Countries

Fair, C. Christine; Shepherd, Bryan E.

doi:10.1080/10576100500351318

Cited by 100 publications

(70 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…In the context of Muslims in Islamic countries, some studies have revealed several factors that catalyze a realistic threat among people in these countries. These factors are a striking gap in terms of economic prosperity between the Western and Muslim countries, dominance of democracy as a secular political system worldwide, and a foreign policy perceived as against Muslim such as the occupation of Palestine by Israel, the U.S' invasions in Iraq and Afghanistan (Castells, 2011;Fair & Shepherd, 2006;Moghaddam, 2008;Putra & Sukabdi, 2013;Robison, Crenshaw & Jenkins, 2006). Among some Muslims in Indonesia, such Western political and economic dominance incinerates a sense of defeat, which provokes the belief that the West has conspired to debilitate Islam and Muslims (Azra, 2000;, Khisbiyah, 2009Solahuddin, 2013;Suciu, 2008).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The effect of intergroup threat and social identity salience on the belief in conspiracy theories over terrorism in indonesia: collective angst as a mediator

Mashuri

Zaduqisti²

2015

Int. j. psychol. res.

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The present study tested how intergroup threat (high versus low) and social identity as a Muslim (salient versus non-salient) affected belief in conspiracy theories. Data among Indonesian Muslim students (N = 139) from this study demonstrated that intergroup threat and social identity salience interacted to influence belief in conspiracy theories. High intergroup threat triggered greater belief in conspiracy theories than low intergroup threat, more prominently in the condition in which participants' Muslim identity was made salient. Collective angst also proved to mediate the effect of intergroup threat on the belief. However, in line with the prediction, evidence of this mediation effect of collective angst was only on the salient social identity condition. Discussions on these research findings build on both theoretical and practical implications. RESUMENEl presente estudio examinó cómo la amenaza intergrupal (alta versus baja) y la identidad social como musulmán (saliente versus no saliente), afecta la creencia en teorías de conspiración. Los datos entre los estudiantes Musulmanes de Indonesia en este estudio, (N = 139) mostraron que la amenaza intergrupal y la saliencia de la identidad social, interactúan para influenciar creencias en teorías de conspiración. La amenaza intergrupal alta produjo mayor creencia en teorías de conspiración en comparación con la amenaza intergrupal baja, esta condición se presentó de manera más prominente en los participantes en donde la identidad musulmana se hizo saliente. La angustia colectiva también contribuyo a mediar el efecto de la amenaza intergrupal en la creencia; no obstante, de acuerdo con la predicción, la evidencia de este efecto de mediación de la angustia colectiva fue sólo con la condición de identidad social saliente. Las discusiones sobre estos resultados de la investigación se basan en dos implicaciones teóricas y prácticas. El efecto de la amenaza intergrupal y la identidad social saliente en la creencia en teorías de conspiración sobre el terrorismo en Indonesia: la angustia colectiva como un mediador Indonesia: la angustia colectiva como un mediador.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The effect of intergroup threat and social identity salience on the belief in conspiracy theories over terrorism in indonesia: collective angst as a mediator

Mashuri

Zaduqisti²

2015

Int. j. psychol. res.

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“…On one side, as reported by El-Shibiny (2005), some Moslems consider that globalization in the current era, which is juxtaposed as the representation of the Western World and more particularly the U.S., has been perceived as a form of neocolonialism, an evil that undermines Moslem's religious and cultural identity. This perceived value threat is seen as an attempt to homogenize the world that supplants Moslem identity, arousing anxiety, suspicion, and opposition in the Moslem world (Moten, 2005).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Symbolic threat is parallel with value threat (Branscombe et al, 1999) that denotes a threat due to perceived out-group's rejection to the nature and importance of in-group's shared attitudes, values, beliefs, norms, and practices. Indeed, Fair and Shepherd (2006) found that the supremacy of national and secular identity over Muslim identity in the realms of technology and culture have contributed to the perceived experience that Islamic value is under threat. Among some radical Islamic groups in Indonesia, this perceived threat in turn gives rise to the pervasive sense of global Islamic weakness and defeat, leading those groups to believe that the West has conspired to surreptitiously create terrorism in Indonesia (Reid, 2010).…”

Section: The Role Of Social Identification and Intergroup Threatmentioning

confidence: 99%

The role of social identification, intergroup threat, and out-group derogation in explaining belief in conspiracy theory about terrorism in Indonesia

Mashuri¹,

Zaduqisti²

2013

IJRSP

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This current research was to give new insight into group-based variables that frame belief in conspiracy about terrorism in Indonesia. Results (N = 201) showed that social identification with Moslem was positively related to out-group derogation to the Western people and to the belief that these people have conspired to instigate terrorism in Indonesia. We also demonstrated that, in line with prediction, the effect of social identification on out-group derogation and belief in conspiracy theory held only when participants perceived the Western people as highly threatening Islamic identity. This perceived intergroup threat also structured the mediation role of out-group derogation. More specifically, we hypothesized and found that out-group derogation mediated the effect of social identification on belief in the conspiracy theory, only when Moslem participants perceived the Western people as highly threatening their Islamic identity. We discussed these findings in terms of theoretical and practical implications.

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“…The image of an unmarried male in his twenties as the typical profile of someone looking for social recognition and belonging in a terrorist group has received some empirical substantiation with several studies linking younger age to higher support for terrorism (Bueno de Mesquita, 2007;Tessler & Robbins, 2007;Fair & Shepherd, 2006;Haddad & Khashan, 2002). The empirical evidence on a possible link between age and negative views of the United States, however, is less clear with some studies showing a positive relationship (Blaydes & Linzer, 2012;Carlson & Nelson, 2008) and others showing a negative relationship (Harmaneh, 2005).…”

Section: Controlsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In their search for possible correlates of public opinion on terrorism and suicide attacks, Bueno de Mesquita (2007), Fair & Shepherd (2006), Mousseau (2011) As the following analysis of less ambiguous dependent variables clearly shows, this question fails to specify whether the respondent is supposed to think of attacks on US troops in Afghanistan which would fall under the definition of guerrilla war, or whether to think of attacks on US civilians in the United States which would fall under most definitions of terrorism (Abrahms 2006;Wight, 2009;Hoffman, 2006 This present paper circumvents these problems by using the answer to a questionnaire item that eschews ambiguous cues (table II):…”

Section: Dependent Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Foreign policies or culture

Berger

2014

Journal of Peace Research

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This analysis uses survey data representing three of the world's most populous Muslim majority countries to challenge conventional wisdom on what shapes Muslim public opinion on political violence against the United States. It improves previous analysis by clearly distinguishing support for violence against civilians from support for violence against military targets and by featuring independent variables that clearly separate views on US foreign policies from views on US culture. Logistic regression shows that, among Egyptian, Pakistani and Indonesian Muslims, perceptions of controversial US policies toward Israel, Middle Eastern oil, or the perceived attempt to weaken and divide the Muslim world are not related to support for attacks on civilians in the United States, but only to support for attacks on US military targets. Approval of attacks on US civilians is shaped, instead, by negative views of US freedom of expression, culture, and people, disapproval of the domestic political status quo as well as the notion of general US hostility toward democracy in the Middle East. This last finding has important implications for US and Western policies toward the post-Arab Spring Middle East in particular and the broader relationship with the Muslim World in general.

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Who Supports Terrorism? Evidence from Fourteen Muslim Countries

Cited by 100 publications

References 12 publications

The effect of intergroup threat and social identity salience on the belief in conspiracy theories over terrorism in indonesia: collective angst as a mediator

The effect of intergroup threat and social identity salience on the belief in conspiracy theories over terrorism in indonesia: collective angst as a mediator

The role of social identification, intergroup threat, and out-group derogation in explaining belief in conspiracy theory about terrorism in Indonesia

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