Who We'll Live With: Neighborhood Racial Composition Preferences of Whites, Blacks and Latinos

Lewis, Valerie A.; Emerson, Michael O.; Klineberg, Stephen L.

doi:10.1093/sf/89.4.1385

Cited by 113 publications

(114 citation statements)

References 60 publications

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“…A recent article shows whites' neighborhood preferences revealed whites were comfortable with Asians but not Latinos or Blacks. The authors also provide evidence that preferences were not a proxy for race since they controlled for crime rates, school quality, and housing values [15]. In essence this shows strong evidence that whites' preferences are solely and independently about race and not socio-economic factors.…”

Section: (P 2)mentioning

confidence: 95%

“…One main way scholars have measured the differences between racial or socio-economic factors is to obtain whites' attitudes of different ethnic/racial groups and test if that affects their choices on where they chose to live [15]. In their study Bobo and Zubrinksky (1996), found a connection between racial stereotypes and segregation: "Stereotypes are usually correlated with racial residential integration attitudes.…”

Section: (P 2)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…More recent data and scholarship, however, has begun to explore segregation for Latinos and Asians, reflecting the significant demographic changes in urban and suburban areas across the country [8][9][10][11][12][13][14][15]. Much of the broader literature on the subject has considered the critical role of white attitudes and preferences and its effects on their choices regarding integration.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Latinos Need to Stay in Their Place: Differential Segregation in a Multi-Ethnic Suburb

Lacayo

2016

Societies

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While Latinos face high levels of segregation, there is scant research specifically addressing whites' attitudes towards Latinos regarding their preferences. This study draws from 40 in-depth interviews with whites in Orange County California, an area with a large Latino and Asian population. I demonstrate that white respondents choose to segregate themselves from Latinos. Most studies have used Blumer's group position theory to explain white attitudes and neighborhood preference towards Blacks. My findings supports Blumer's group position theory by revealing why white respondents feel threatened by an increase in the Latino population. Yet, the Asian population has also grown, but white respondents convey positive sentiments towards Asians, and express they feel comfortable living and interacting with them. I argue that white respondents' preferences with regards to integration are not solely based on the size of a group, but rather whether they characterize the group as inferior. Integration has been touted as an American principle. Yet, as the country becomes more diverse, this case study illustrates that white respondents prefer to share space with those they feel similar to, and consequently contribute to Latino segregation.

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Section: (P 2)mentioning

confidence: 95%

Section: (P 2)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Latinos Need to Stay in Their Place: Differential Segregation in a Multi-Ethnic Suburb

Lacayo

2016

Societies

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“…Whites' tolerance of integration that occurs when minorities move to their neighborhoods does not extend to a desire for integrated neighborhoods. Whites know less about and are resistant to considering neighborhoods with more than a token number of minorities Bader 2007, 2009;Lewis, Emerson, and Klineberg 2011). Therefore, a white family that leaves an integrated neighborhood is unlikely to be replaced by another white family moving into it.…”

Section: Racial Changementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Even if whites do not flee at the mere presence of minorities, they might move for myriad other reasons including marriage, divorce, and job relocation. Inversely, minority families find integrated neighborhoods attractive (Charles 2000;Lewis, Emerson, and Klineberg 2011), and they are likely to fill the vacancies created by departing whites. The result is that minority families move into neighborhoods inhabited by long-term white residents aging in place.…”

Section: Racial Changementioning

confidence: 99%

The Fragmented Evolution of Racial Integration since the Civil Rights Movement

Bäder¹,

Warkentien²

2018

Preprint

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Abstract:We argue that existing studies underestimate the degree to which racial change leads to residential segregation in post-Civil Rights American neighborhoods. This is because previous studies only measure the presence of racial groups in neighborhoods, not the degree of integration among those groups. As a result, those studies do not detect gradual racial succession that ends in racially segregated neighborhoods. We demonstrate how a new approach based on growth mixture models can be used to identify patterns of racial change that distinguish between durable integration and gradual racial succession. We use this approach to identify common trajectories of neighborhood racial change among blacks, whites, Latinos, and Asians from 1970 to 2010 in the New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, and Houston metropolitan areas. We show that many nominally integrated neighborhoods have experienced gradual succession. For blacks, this succession has caused the gradual concentric diffusion of the ghetto; in contrast, Latino and Asian growth has dispersed throughout both cities and suburbs in the metropolitan areas. Durable integration has come about largely in the suburbs.

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From segregation to intergroup contact and back: Using experiments and simulation to understand the bidirectional link

Schlueter

Ullrich

Glenz

et al. 2017

Euro J Social Psych

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The first two authors contributed equally. AbstractResearch on intergroup contact has mostly viewed desegregation as a necessary condition for contact to unfold its power to reduce prejudice. Through residential and school choices, however, prejudice also contributes to segregation. To shed light on this bidirectional link, we conducted two surveybased experiments with stratified quota samples of German adults. In Study 1, respondents with less contact and more prejudice indicated a lower likelihood of renting an apartment in a neighborhood with a larger proportion of minority members, although housing quality and crime rate were held constant. In Study 2, similar results were obtained for the likelihood of enrolling their child at a school with a larger proportion of minority students. Building on these results in a computer simulation, we find that because contact only reduces prejudice, but does not produce pro-minority preferences, spontaneous desegregation is unlikely to occur even under the most favorable structural and economic conditions.Where do members of the majority group want to live and why? Assuming that they prefer to live in a neighborhood with few minority members, this may simply reflect the empirical fact that this is likely to be a nicer neighborhood with better houses and less crime. On the other hand, if they prefer to live among themselves although everything else (e.g., socioeconomic status) is the same as in a neighborhood with many minority members, they have a preference for segregation. The distinction is relevant for any efforts to regulate segregation between majority and minority members. In the present article, we develop a conceptual model of the causes and consequences of such segregation preferences, in order to understand how the behavior of individuals contributes to the societal outcome of segregation and vice versa. We then provide quantitative tests of crucial elements of the model. A Model of The Bidirectional Link between Segregation and Intergroup ContactIt is a truism that members of different groups can only interact with one another when the context provides for opportunities for contact (Blau & Schwartz, 1984;Wagner, Hewstone, & Machleit, 1989). Whether contact opportunities translate into actual contact is a fascinating empirical question that bridges the macromicro gap between societal-level (i.e., segregation) and individual-level (i.e., intergroup contact) explanations of prejudice (Christ & Wagner, 2012;Pettigrew, 2008). Recent research has indeed concluded that the higher the number of minority members present in a given geographical area, the more intergroup contact and the less prejudice is reported by majority members (e.g., Green, Fasel, & Sarrasin, 2010;Schlueter, 2012;Schlueter & Scheepers, 2010;Schmid, Al Ramiah, & Hewstone, 2014;Spörlein, Schlueter, & van Tubergen, 2014;Wagner, Christ, Pettigrew, Stellmacher, & Wolf, 2006; see Titzmann & Silbereisen, 2009, for similar results obtained with minority members). Moreover, recent research demonstrated how ...

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Who We'll Live With: Neighborhood Racial Composition Preferences of Whites, Blacks and Latinos

Cited by 113 publications

References 60 publications

Latinos Need to Stay in Their Place: Differential Segregation in a Multi-Ethnic Suburb

Latinos Need to Stay in Their Place: Differential Segregation in a Multi-Ethnic Suburb

The Fragmented Evolution of Racial Integration since the Civil Rights Movement

From segregation to intergroup contact and back: Using experiments and simulation to understand the bidirectional link

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