Why brother and sister are not just siblings: Repair processes in agreement computation

Molinaro, Nicola; Vespignani, Francesco; Zamparelli, Roberto; Job, Remo

doi:10.1016/j.jml.2010.12.002

Cited by 35 publications

(27 citation statements)

References 55 publications

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“…Most relevant to the present study is the finding that violations of morphosyntactic constraints, including subject-verb agreement violations, typically elicit an enhanced positive-going wave beginning around 500ms poststimulus which is most prominent over centroparietal scalp regions (the P600 effect: Friederici, Hahne, & Mecklinger, 1996; Kaan, Harris, Gibson, & Holcomb, 2000; Molinaro, Barber, & Carreiras, 2011; Molinaro, Vespignani, Zamparelli, & Job, 2011; Nevins, Dillon, Malhotra, & Phillips, 2007; Osterhout & Holcomb, 1992; Osterhout & Mobley, 1995; Rossi, Gugler, Hahne, & Friederici, 2005). Some studies of morphosyntactic processing have additionally elicited a negativity preceding the P600, which is sometimes strongest over left anterior portions of the scalp (the left anterior negativity, or LAN: e.g., Barber & Carreiras, 2005; Friederici et al, 1996; Hahne & Friederici, 1999; Osterhout & Holcomb, 1992; Osterhout & Mobley, 1995), though the LAN is highly inconsistent across studies (e.g., Allen, Badecker, & Osterhout, 2003; Frenck-Mestre, Osterhout, McLaughlin, & Foucart, 2008; Hagoort & Brown, 1999, 2000; Hagoort, 2003; Kim & Osterhout, 2005; Nevins et al, 2007; Osterhout, Allen, McLaughlin, & Inoue, 2002; Osterhout & Mobley, 1995; Tanner & Van Hell, 2014).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 78%

The time-course of feature interference in agreement comprehension: Multiple mechanisms and asymmetrical attraction

Tanner

Nicol

Brehm

2014

Journal of Memory and Language

125

187

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Attraction interference in language comprehension and production may be as a result of common or different processes. In the present paper, we investigate attraction interference during language comprehension, focusing on the contexts in which interference arises and the time-course of these effects. Using evidence from event-related brain potentials (ERPs) and sentence judgment times, we show that agreement attraction in comprehension is best explained as morphosyntactic interference during memory retrieval. This stands in contrast to attraction as a message-level process involving the representation of the subject NP's number features, which is a strong contributor to attraction in production. We thus argue that the cognitive antecedents of agreement attraction in comprehension are non-identical with those of attraction in production, and moreover, that attraction in comprehension is primarily a consequence of similarity-based interference in cue-based memory retrieval processes. We suggest that mechanisms responsible for attraction during language comprehension are a subset of those involved in language production.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 78%

The time-course of feature interference in agreement comprehension: Multiple mechanisms and asymmetrical attraction

Tanner

Nicol

Brehm

2014

Journal of Memory and Language

125

187

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“…(2) 500-600 (intermediate window); (3) 600-900 (P600); and (4) 1,000-1,300 (late P600). Note that the previous study by Molinaro, Vespignani et al (2011) did not include a late P600 window extending beyond 1,000 ms, although figures in their paper indicate that the P600 had not yet returned to baseline at 1,000 ms.…”

Section: Eeg Recording and Analysismentioning

confidence: 86%

“…Due to their excellent temporal resolution, ERPs are particularly useful for investigating real-time processing of agreement patterns during sentence comprehension. Three components have generally been associated with the processing of number agreement violations: (a) a left-anterior negativity (LAN) elicited between 300 and 500 ms, reflecting the early detection of a morphosyntactic violation (e.g., Kaan, 2002;Molinaro, Vespignani et al, 2011;Osterhout & Mobley, 1995); (b) an early frontal positivity between 500 and 700 ms, argued to reflect difficulties integrating the mismatching constituent with the previous sentence context, particularly in ambiguous or complex sentences (Barber & Carreiras, 2005;Friederici, Hahne, & Saddy, 2002;Kaan & Swaab, 2003;Molinaro, Kim, Vespignani, & Job, 2008); and (c) a posterior P600 between 700 and 1,000 ms, indexing morphosyntactic re-analysis and repair once the anomaly has been diagnosed, with larger and more prolonged P600s reflecting costlier repair Hagoort & Brown, 2000;Molinaro, Kim et al, 2008;Silva-Pereyra & Carreiras, 2007). However, it is not the case that all three components are reliably elicited in response to all number agreement violations, nor have they been quantified in the same way across studies.…”

Section: Number Agreement Processingmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Our study was based on a previous experiment conducted with Italian monolinguals by Molinaro, Vespignani, et al. () (Experiment 1). Number agreement was manipulated between 3 sentence positions: (a) subject; (b) verb; and (c) an adjective modifying the subject‐noun (e.g., I lavoratori tornano dalla fabbrica sporchi di grasso / The workers (pl) return (pl) from the factory dirty (pl) with grease ).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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First Language Attrition Induces Changes in Online Morphosyntactic Processing and Re‐Analysis: An ERP Study of Number Agreement in Complex Italian Sentences

2016

Self Cite

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First language (L1) attrition in adulthood offers new insight on neuroplasticity and the role of language experience in shaping neurocognitive responses to language. Attriters are multilinguals for whom advancing L2 proficiency comes at the cost of the L1, as they experience a shift in exposure and dominance (e.g., due to immigration). To date, the neurocognitive mechanisms underlying L1 attrition are largely unexplored. Using event‐related potentials (ERPs), we examined L1‐Italian grammatical processing in 24 attriters and 30 Italian native‐controls. We assessed whether (a) attriters differed from non‐attriting native speakers in their online detection and re‐analysis/repair of number agreement violations, and whether (b) differences in processing were modulated by L1‐proficiency. To test both local and non‐local agreement violations, we manipulated agreement between three inflected constituents and examined ERP responses on two of these (subject, verb, modifier). Our findings revealed group differences in amplitude, scalp distribution, and duration of LAN/N400 + P600 effects. We discuss these differences as reflecting influence of attriters’ L2‐English, as well as shallower online sentence repair processes than in non‐attriting native speakers. ERP responses were also predicted by L1‐Italian proficiency scores, with smaller N400/P600 amplitudes in lower proficiency individuals. Proficiency only modulated P600 amplitude between 650 and 900 ms, whereas the late P600 (beyond 900 ms) depended on group membership and amount of L1 exposure within attriters. Our study is the first to show qualitative and quantitative differences in ERP responses in attriters compared to non‐attriting native speakers. Our results also emphasize that proficiency predicts language processing profiles, even in native‐speakers, and that the P600 should not be considered a monolithic component.

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“…Accordingly, two time windows, 300-550 ms and 550-800 ms, were used to capture the frontal and parietal intact/new effects, respectively. Mean amplitudes for statistical analyses in these windows were obtained from frontal (collapsed across F3, Fz, and F4), the central (collapsed across C3, Cz, and C4) and the parietal (collapsed across P3, Pz, and P4) scalp locations (Han et al, 2018;Hou et al, 2013;Molinaro et al, 2011).…”

Section: Erp Analysesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Effects of emotion and semantic relatedness on recognition memory: Behavioral and electrophysiological evidence

Han

Guo

et al. 2020

Preprint

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Some aspects of our memory are enhanced by emotion, whereas other can be unaffected or even hinder. In particular, previous studies report impaired associative memory of emotional content, an effect termed associative "emotion interference". The current study utilized EEG and an associative recognition paradigm to investigate the cognitive and neural mechanisms associated with this effect. In two experiments, participants studied negative and neutral stimulus-pairs that were either semantically related or unrelated. In Experiment 1 emotions were relevant to the encoding task (valance judgment) whereas in Experiment 2 emotions were irrelevant (familiarity judgment). In a subsequent associative recognition test, EEG was recorded while participants discriminated between intact, rearranged, and new pairs. An associative emotional interference effect was observed in both experiments, but was attenuated for semantically related pairs when emotions were relevant to the study task. Moreover, a modulation of an early associative memory ERP component depended on task relevancy of emotions, and occurred for negative pairs when emotions were relevant, but for semantically related pairs when emotions were irrelevant. A later ERP component depicted a more general pattern, and was observed in all experimental conditions. These results suggest that both emotions and semantic relations can act as organizing principles that promote associative binding. Their ability to contribute to successful retrieval depends on specific task demands.

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Why brother and sister are not just siblings: Repair processes in agreement computation

Cited by 35 publications

References 55 publications

The time-course of feature interference in agreement comprehension: Multiple mechanisms and asymmetrical attraction

The time-course of feature interference in agreement comprehension: Multiple mechanisms and asymmetrical attraction

First Language Attrition Induces Changes in Online Morphosyntactic Processing and Re‐Analysis: An ERP Study of Number Agreement in Complex Italian Sentences

Effects of emotion and semantic relatedness on recognition memory: Behavioral and electrophysiological evidence

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