Why Not Equal Protection? Explaining the Politics of Public Social Spending in Britain, 1900-1911, and the United States, 1880s-1920

Orloff, Ann Shola; Skocpol, Theda

doi:10.2307/2095527

Cited by 273 publications

(121 citation statements)

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“…Previous explanations of the origins of the universal welfare state have often focused on specific actors or the power-balance between actors, typically highlighting working class organization or social democratic parties (e.g., Huber & Stephens 2001), democratization and bureaucratization (Orloff & Skocpol, 1984), or a combination of impartial and effective state institutions and working class mobilization (e.g., Rothstein et al, 2012). Our analysis does find that working-class organization and state structures matter for welfare development, but neither factor cancels out the result that party institutionalization strongly relates to welfare development.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Party Institutionalization and Welfare State Development

Rasmussen

Knutsen

2017

SSRN Journal

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We propose that the extent to which political parties are institutionalized shapes welfare state development. Institutionalized parties allow politicians to overcome coordination problems, avoid capture by special interests, and form stable linkages with broad social groups. These features both enable and incentivize politicians to pursue generous and universal welfare policies.Employing recent measures of party institutionalization and welfare law features, we test implications from our argument on data covering 169 countries and extending back to 1900.Even when accounting for country-and year-fixed effects and institutional features such as electoral system, regime type and state capacity, we find robust evidence that party institutionalization leads to more extensive, universal, and generous welfare arrangements. The relationship is more pronounced in democracies, but exists also in autocracies. When disaggregating party institutionalization and evaluating mechanisms, the linkages that institutionalized parties form with social groups constitute one important, but not the only relevant, factor.3

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Forthcoming; Persson & Tabellini, 2004;Rogowski, 1987), or state and administrative quality (e.g., Orloff & Skocpol, 1984;Rothstein, Samanni, & Teorell, 2012) help explain this variation.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Party Institutionalization and Welfare State Development

Rasmussen

Knutsen

2017

SSRN Journal

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“…Os funcionários públicos e políticos seriam atores de peso com poder de agenda, cujas metas e ações não são reduzidas às exigências e preferências de grupos de interesse, movimentos sociais ou luta de classes. As burocracias do Estado seriam capazes de promover a expansão das políticas sociais, caso possuam capacidade administrativa, recursos fiscais, infraestrutura organizacional (Orloff & Skocpol 1984;Skocpol 1985;Weir & Skocpol 1985). De um lado, a capacidade do Estado, tanto institucional como orçamentária, não explica de modo satisfatório a crise do PFZ, porque não colocaria à prova as iniciativas ligadas ao programa.…”

Section: Hipóteses Explicativas Sobre a Crise Do Programa Fome Zerounclassified

Programa Fome Zero e o paradigma da segurança alimentar: ascensão e queda de uma coalizão?

Tomazini

Leite

2016

Rev. Sociol. Polit.

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ResumoO artigo examina o processo de concepção e o progressivo abandono do Programa Fome Zero (PFZ) como principal linha estratégica para as ações do governo federal entre 2003 e 2004. O objetivo é analisar as ideias que estruturam essa política de segurança alimentar e levantar hipóteses sobre sua crise e sobre o redirecionamento para a unificação dos programas de transferência de renda que desembocou na criação do Programa Bolsa Família. A metodologia de pesquisa consiste na análise de dados qualitativos primários (entrevistas semiestruturadas com formuladores do programa) e dados secundários (matérias de jornais, publicações produzidas por pesquisadores especialistas no assunto e trabalhos analíticos sobre o PFZ). O arcabouço teórico utilizado é o de análise de políticas públicas pós-positivista e cognitivista. Após examinar como se deu o processo de formação do paradigma de segurança alimentar no plano internacional e nacional, foram levantadas hipóteses explicativas referentes à crise do PFZ: arranjos institucionais prévios, confronto entre paradigmas, perda de influência da coalizão "segurança alimentar" e a complexidade programática do programa. Argumenta-se que o programa representa um elemento importante para se compreender não somente o jogo político e os problemas gerenciais enfrentados pelo governo recém estabelecido à época, mas a disputa de ideias e de paradigmas travada entre atores e coalizões que buscaram influenciar o combate à fome e à pobreza no primeiro mandato do governo Lula.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: pobreza; segurança alimentar; transferência de renda; paradigmas; coalizão de defesa.Recebido em 2 de Outubro de 2014. Aceito em 12 de Janeiro de 2015. I. Introdução 1E m 2003 a posse do presidente eleito Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva representou um ponto de inflexão nas políticas sociais ao colocar a questão do combate à pobreza e à fome no Brasil no centro da agenda governamental. Do ponto de vista kingdoniano 2 , houve uma convergência de fatores que legitimaram essa nova agenda social no país: um contexto internacional propício para a formulação e implementação de programas de combate à pobreza em vários países do mundo, a ascensão ao poder de um grupo político identificado com a ideia da priorização de um programa de segurança alimentar e, especificamente, a posse de um presidente, ou um "empreendedor político" (Kingdon 2003) legitimado por sua trajetória histórica e política referenciada com as classes socialmente excluídas.O Programa Fome Zero (PFZ) representou inicialmente a principal resposta política na área social do novo governo, formada por iniciativas políticas e institucionais que mobilizaram um conjunto de ministérios, demandando capacidade de articulação intersetorial do governo recém empossado. Do ponto de vista das ideias e dos grupos políticos que as defendiam, representou a ascensão ao processo decisório governamental, em um locus institucional com status de ministério, de um paradigma da ação pública favorável às políticas de segurança alimentar. Conforme veremos mais adiante, essas po...

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“…To the extent that bureaucrats support social movement goals, they may aid challengers directly (Orloff and Skocpol 1984).…”

Section: From Political Opportunities To Political Contextsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Structural Approaches in the Sociology of Social Movements

Fetner

2009

Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research

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Sociological research emphasizes how social institutions, such as the family, religion, corporations, and governments influence people's choices about how they live.While acknowledging that individuals have some freedom to pursue different paths, sociologists argue that this freedom is limited in important ways by forces outside the control of individuals. Sociology, therefore, asks how these broader forces operate to affect the actions and beliefs of individuals and groups. As the editors have noted, sociological research on social movements can be classified as adopting either a structural or cultural emphasis. While the former focuses on the distribution of material resources and the organizations and institutions that govern such distribution, the latter approach emphasizes questions about how individuals and groups perceive and interpret these material conditions.In practice, distinguishing between actual material conditions and popular understandings of these can be difficult. For instance, categories of individuals such as gender, class, or ethnicity are structurally defined, but their sociological relevance grows not simply from their existence bur rather from the cultural work of individuals who help define group identities according to these structural categories. As Buechler observes, "[c]ollective identity and political consciousness are thus decisive factors mediating 2 structures of power and collective action " (2000:123). In other words, a group must somehow come to perceive itself as both distinct and subject to unjust material or social conditions. Such "collective identities" are far from automatic, because the "interlocking systems of domination" embedded in broader political and economic structures affect possibilities for social groups to articulate and mobilize around social movement identities. Thus, any attempt to understand social change requires attention to questions about how the resources and power needed to define and defend group interests are distributed within a society. Structural approaches recognize that inequalities are closely linked to macro-level factors such as a country's position in the world economy or to meso-level ones, such as class, race, and gender. Thus, any attempt to reduce inequalities in society must be mindful of how these broad structures are shaping broader power relations.A key starting point for much sociological work is the observation that virtually all societies experience inequality. The benefits and risks of society are nowhere near equally distributed, and therefore we would expect that particular clusterings of people would be more likely candidates for participation in social movements. In particular, more aggrieved groups might be expected to be engaged in protests against the status quo. Important debates have taken place among social movement scholars regarding the role of grievances in the generation of social movements. Early research in social movements saw political protest as emerging from groups that were relatively disadvantaged by the...

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Why Not Equal Protection? Explaining the Politics of Public Social Spending in Britain, 1900-1911, and the United States, 1880s-1920

Cited by 273 publications

References 0 publications

Party Institutionalization and Welfare State Development

Party Institutionalization and Welfare State Development

Programa Fome Zero e o paradigma da segurança alimentar: ascensão e queda de uma coalizão?

Structural Approaches in the Sociology of Social Movements

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