Winning the victim status can open conflicting groups to reconciliation: Evidence from the Israeli‐Palestinian Conflict

SimanTov-Nachlieli, Ilanit; Shnabel, Nurit; Halabi, Samer

doi:10.1002/ejsp.2091

Cited by 29 publications

(33 citation statements)

References 41 publications

(66 reference statements)

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“…This asymmetry echoes other competitive victimhood dyads, such as Israel and Palestine, (Shnabel & Nadler, 2015;SimanTov-Nachlieli, Shnabel, & Halabi, 2015). However, the territorial borders and national boundaries that characterize the physical aspects many prior dyads discussed in competitive victimhood literature does not directly translate to the dynamic between Black Lives Matter and Blues Lives Matter, even while physical and even territorial manifestations of US race relations conflicts do exist.…”

Section: Mckesson Statedmentioning

confidence: 84%

“…Accompanying the existing literature on competitive victimhood is an understanding of how groups in intractable conflicts, possibly with help from outside practitioners, might transform their victimhood status toward achieving reconciliation or community building (Shnabel et al, ; SimanTov‐Nachlieli et al, ). Prior authors (Abele & Wojciszke, ) point to the “Big Two” dimensions of social needs could facilitate reconciliation: agency (the need of strength, autonomy, and efficacy) and morality (the need to feel positively regarded, trusted, and moral).…”

Section: Building Community Relationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Competitive victimhood as a lens to reconciliation: An analysis of the black lives matter and blue lives matter movements

Solomon

Martin

2019

Conflict Resolution Qtrly

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Literature on intergroup conflict and identity is well established; this literature includes work on competitive victimhood—the process by which groups attempt to establish that they have suffered more than opposing groups (Noor et al., Personality and Social Psychology Review, 2012, 16(4), 351–374) to restore feelings of moral identity, or cache often for use in a political context (Sullivan et al., Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 2012, 102(4), 778). Within prior work on competitive victimhood, models of reconciliation based on the particular needs and identities established within the competitive victimhood dynamic have also been posited (SimanTov‐Nachlieli et al., European Journal of Social Psychology, 2015, 45(2), 139–145; Shnabel et al., Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 2013, 49(5), 867–877). While competitive victimhood theory has been applied in prior work to several cross‐national settings, there exist other important areas of intergroup tension that have not been explored. We propose that the concept of competitive victimhood can be fruitfully used to understand movement‐countermovement dynamics, including those related to conflictual race relations in the United States. Specifically, this article will examine the dynamic between the movements “Black Lives Matter” and “Blue Lives Matter” as a salient paired research case of a movement and countermovement for investigating identity and victimhood. In our present article, we map the discourse of the Black and Blue Lives Matter movements as illustrations of collective victimhood (Schori‐Eyal et al., Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 2014, 44(12), 778–794) and competitive victimhood (Noor et al., Personality and Social Psychology Review, 2012, 16(4), 351–374). We find that while both movements demonstrate competitive victimhood, they are also qualitatively different. Due to differences in threat, power, and history of those the movements advocate for, each movement demonstrates different needs (Burton, Conflict: Human needs theory, Springer, 1990). We posit that the identity dynamics of competitive victimhood within social movements specifically lead to important and different identity needs for agency and morality (Shnabel & Noor, in Restoring civil societies: The psychology of intervention and engagement following crisis (pp. 192–207), Wiley‐Blackwell, Chichester, England, 2012). We examine what these differences would mean in these particular movements, as well as for potential avenues of community building based on addressing these needs. In all cases, we aim to show that what has largely been considered a criminal justice phenomenon in the United States is fundamentally political, with roots and possible solutions in intergroup identity dynamics that can be fruitfully explored within political psychology.

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Section: Mckesson Statedmentioning

confidence: 84%

Section: Building Community Relationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Competitive victimhood as a lens to reconciliation: An analysis of the black lives matter and blue lives matter movements

Solomon

Martin

2019

Conflict Resolution Qtrly

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“…Evidence indicates that acquiring winner status in a competition over victimhood status promotes the ingroup's willingness to cease the conflict and reconcile with the outgroup (SimanTov-Nachlieli, Shnabel, & Halabi, 2015). Similarly, reduction in competitive victimhood results in greater intergroup forgiveness (Shnabel, Halabi, & Noor, 2013).…”

Section: Competitive Victimhoodmentioning

confidence: 99%

Threat Perception and Perspective Taking as Mediators Between Competitive Victimhood and Evaluations of Collective Action: The Gezi Park Protests

Demirdağ

Hasta

2019

Political Psychology

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The 2013 Gezi Park protests in Turkey, which are one of the major social movements in the last decade, have sharpened the sociopolitical polarization in the country. The present study employed a moderated mediation model in which symbolic threat, realistic threat, and perspective taking were examined as mediators between competitive victimhood and opposing groups’ differential evaluations of the protests. Further, the pro‐Gezi versus the anti‐Gezi group membership was hypothesized to moderate the mediation effects. Proponents (N = 337) and opponents (N = 138) of the protests were asked to respond to the measures corresponding to the variables in the model. Results revealed that for protest supporters, competitive victimhood predicted evaluations of the protests through realistic threat, but not through symbolic threat; in contrast, for opponents, it predicted evaluations of the protests through symbolic but not realistic threat. Further, perspective taking turned out to be a weak mediator. The results are discussed in terms of the differential power relationships between the groups in the cultural and political domains.

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“…The fourth technique is affirmation . Some barriers (e.g., competitive victimhood and competing narratives) entail defensive reactions to information that threatens an individual’s self‐identity or self‐esteem (Sherman and Kim ; Shnabel et al ; Simantov‐Nachlieli et al , ; Sherman, Brookfield, and Ortosky ). By having people affirm a part of their identities (e.g., remembering a time they lived up to an important value of theirs), it might be possible to make them more resilient in the face of threats to their identity, image, or esteem.…”

Section: Overcoming Psychological Barriers: a Review Of Attenuation Imentioning

confidence: 99%

Psychological Barriers to Resolving Intergroup Conflict: An Extensive Review and Consolidation of the Literature

Friend¹,

Malhotra²

2019

Negotiation Journal

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This article reviews over sixty years of research on psychological barriers to intergroup conflict resolution and finds that scholars have identified eighty nominally different barriers that create or exacerbate intergroup conflict. In order to create a tractable list that would be more helpful to future scholars and practitioners, we consolidate this vast literature (e.g., by eliminating substantive and conceptual redundancies) to produce a list of twenty‐six “unique” psychological barriers. We further organize this inventory of barriers with a framework that distinguishes between “cognitive,” “affective,” and “motivated” psychological barriers. To better understand the literature ecosystem of research on psychological barriers, we employ a data visualization tool to illustrate the extent to which each of the twenty‐six unique barriers has been studied conjointly with every other barrier in the articles we reviewed. We then shift our attention to the work of scholars who have attempted, experimentally, to attenuate psychological barriers in negotiation and conflict settings, and identify five primary methods for doing so. Finally, we discuss the implications of our review for future work in this field.

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Winning the victim status can open conflicting groups to reconciliation: Evidence from the Israeli‐Palestinian Conflict

Cited by 29 publications

References 41 publications

Competitive victimhood as a lens to reconciliation: An analysis of the black lives matter and blue lives matter movements

Competitive victimhood as a lens to reconciliation: An analysis of the black lives matter and blue lives matter movements

Threat Perception and Perspective Taking as Mediators Between Competitive Victimhood and Evaluations of Collective Action: The Gezi Park Protests

Psychological Barriers to Resolving Intergroup Conflict: An Extensive Review and Consolidation of the Literature

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