With or without parliamentary primaries? Some evidence from the Italian laboratory

Regalia, Marta; Valbruzzi, Marco

doi:10.1080/23248823.2016.1153828

Cited by 5 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…While Südtiroler Volkspartei and the Movimento 5 Stelle decided to let their party members select all of the nominees to be included on their closed candidate lists, the leadership of the Partito Democratico and the Sinistra Ecologia e Libertà instead kept control over the lists. This means that a quota of PD and SEL nominees-amounting to about a quarter of all elected legislators-was appointed directly by party leaders, which offered them a safe place on the lists (Regalia and Valbruzzi 2016).…”

Section: Primary Election Rulesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Winds of Change

Venturino

Seddone

2017

QOE-IJES

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In the lead-up to the 2013 parliamentary election, four Italian parties used primaries to select candidates. Primaries, which were autonomously decided upon by the parties' central offices, have operated according to different rules. These quasi-experimental circumstances allow an assessment of the effects of rules and selectors' predispositions in the promotion of legislator renewal. An examination of three aspects of renewal–gender balance, rejuvenation and turnover–found that party leaderships sometimes deliberately pursued renewal through biased rules. The cases in point are Partito Democratico and Sinistra Ecologia e Libertà regarding gender balance, and Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S) regarding turnover. Moreover, even when unconstrained by the rules, selectors have pushed for renewal, as shown by the rise in female representation in the M5S. In general, primary elections have demonstrated to be renewalfriendly. However, it remains unclear whether this is an idiosyncratic effect connected to a single election, or a general tendency due to the characteristics of primary voters.

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Section: Primary Election Rulesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Winds of Change

Venturino

Seddone

2017

QOE-IJES

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“…Because of the electoral law, party lists are closed, that is, all candidates have been elected following their ranking on the lists. Obviously, being party secretary at the time of the drafting of the lists of candidates, Bersani with his collaborators exercised a strong/decisive influence in the appointment and ranking of the candidates even though several so called "parliamentary primaries" were held (Regalia and Valbruzzi, 2016). Moreover, practically all the Democrats who entered the Chamber of Deputies and many who entered the Senate because of the majority bonus owed their seat to Bersani's benevolence.…”

Section: A Multi-speed Membership Party?mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Italian Democratic Party, its nature and its Secretary

Pasquino¹,

Valbruzzi²

2017

Rev. Esp. Cienc. Polít.

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The Democratic Party (PD) is the only reasonably organized party in the Italian de-structured party system. It is itself undergoing a process of transformation. It defies all traditional party definitions. It is no longer a class-based mass party and not even a mass party. Nobody within the party believes that such a party can resurrect. It shows many features of a catch-all party, but some of them are by far more prominent than others. It is not simply an electoral-professional party since its aims go beyond just winning the elections and it relies more on internal resources than on outside professionals. At this point, the most appropriate definition is that of a personalist party cum factions. This article tries to explain : (1) how the PD has acquired a dominant position in Italian politics; (2) how its leader has been elected by members and sympathizers of the party; and (3) how much he is trying to transform the PD into a vehicle pursuing his personal ambitions. Much of what Matteo Renzi will achieve or fail to obtain depends on the new electoral law and on the opposition mounted by some actors, especially the Five Stars Movement. The easiest forecast is that in the short-run the Italian party system will remain de-structured providing opportunities, but also volatility risks for the PD and its leader.Keywords: Italy, party system, personalist party, leadership, primaries. ResumenEl Partido Demócrata (PD) es el único partido razonablemente organizado en el desestructurado sistema de partidos italiano. El propio PD está sufriendo un proceso de transformación que desafía todas las definiciones tradicionales de partidos. Ya no es un partido de masas de clase y ni siquiera un partido de masas. Nadie dentro del partido cree que tal partido pueda resucitar. Muestra muchos rasgos de un partido «atrapa todos», pero algunos de ellos son mucho más prominentes que otros. No es simplemente un partido profesional-electoral ya que sus objetivos van más allá de ganar las elecciones y depende más de los recursos internos que de profesionales externos. En este momento, la definición más apropiada es la de un partido personalista con facciones. Este artículo trata de explicar (1) cómo el PD ha adquirido una posición dominante en la política italiana; (2) cómo han elegido los miembros y los simpatizantes del partido a su líder y (3) cómo este último está intentando transformar el PD en un vehículo para sus ambiciones personales. Gran parte de lo que Matteo Renzi obtenga o no depende de la nueva ley electoral y de la oposición organizada por algunos actores, en especial el Movimiento Cinco Estrellas. El pronóstico más fácil es que en el corto plazo el sistema de partidos italiano seguirá desestructurado brindando oportunidades, pero también riesgos de volatilidad para el PD y su líder.Palabras clave: Italia, sistema de partidos, partido personalista, liderazgo, primarias.

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Voting Rules, Context, and Public Recognition in Closed Primaries: An Empirical Case Study from Turkey

Aksoy

2021

Representation

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With or without parliamentary primaries? Some evidence from the Italian laboratory

Cited by 5 publications

References 13 publications

Winds of Change

Winds of Change

The Italian Democratic Party, its nature and its Secretary

Voting Rules, Context, and Public Recognition in Closed Primaries: An Empirical Case Study from Turkey

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