Women combatants and the liberation movements in South Africa

Magadla, Siphokazi

doi:10.1080/10246029.2015.1088645

Cited by 15 publications

(2 citation statements)

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“…However, because most theories of revolutions have not examined what happens to revolutionary projects that end up in negotiated demobilization as they "invariably result in controlled transitions that culminate in elections" (Kamrava, 2019, p. 74), the field lacks a greater understanding of the processes allowing the continuity or transformation of revolution beyond a period of armed struggle. Studies of Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration have been doing a better job documenting and explaining the paths of ex-guerrilla fighters transitioning from war to civilian life (see E. Álvarez et al, 2018;Hauge, 2008;Magadla, 2015;McMullin, 2013;Söderström, 2016, among others). Sociology of revolutions, therefore, has a theoretical gap to fill with empirical cases different from the color revolutions.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Bridging theories of social and revolutionary movements

Duarte‐Mayorga

2022

Sociology Compass

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How can theories of social movements and revolutions help us understand the rise of collective action, their tactical and strategic choices, and their prospects for succeeding? By reviewing past and recent developments in the literature of social movements and revolutions, I argue that in comparison with social movements scholars, structuralists of revolutions more accurately used theories of threat and breakdown in understanding what triggers revolutions and revolutionary situations. Nevertheless, because scholars of revolutions usually distinguish types of revolutions based on outcomes after supposed clear endings, they have missed important insights from the literature on movement continuity that might guide us towards new understandings of revolutions.Moreover, both fields have followed similar paths in terms of contributions and gaps in the study of emotions, spontaneity, tactics, and repression in collective action.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Bridging theories of social and revolutionary movements

Duarte‐Mayorga

2022

Sociology Compass

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“…Further understanding of how female involvement occurs is provided by the strand of literature focusing on female fighters in other conflict contexts. A substantial number of studies of female non-state political violence have been published in the last few decades, including from a terrorism studies perspective Erez 2007a, 2007b;Bloom 2011;Cunningham 2003Cunningham , 2007Cunningham , 2008Cunningham , 2010Dalton and Asal 2011;Davis 2013Davis , 2017Dearing 2010;Eggert 2015;Gonzalez-Perez 2008;Taylor 2008, 2009;Speckhard 2008;Speckhard and Akhmedova 2008;Victor 2003;Von Knop 2007)-as well as by scholars working within conflict, war or rebel studies or other disciplinary frameworks (Alison 2003(Alison , 2009Bernal 2000Bernal , 2006Burgess 1989;Cohen 2013;Coulter 2008;Eager 2008;Gayer 2009;Gentry and Sjoberg 2015;Hamilton 2007;Henshaw 2016;Katto 2014;Magadla 2015;McKay 2007;Ortega 2012;Parashar 2009Parashar , 2014Parvati 2005;Reif 1986;Roy 2012;Sajjad 2004;Shayne 1999;Shekhawat 2012;Shikola 1998;…”

Section: Existing Research On Female Fightersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Women, War and Political Violence

Eggert

2021

Women and the Lebanese Civil War

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Female participation in political violence 1 is generally considered a deviance of the norm (Gentry and Sjoberg 2015). This is the case in most societies worldwide and applies to women's participation in state militaries as well as their involvement in non-state armed groups 2 (Gentry and Sjoberg 2015; Kennedy-Pipe 2000). Women's participation in nonstate armed organisations is often particularly contested. Nevertheless, women have been involved as militants in the majority of non-state armed organisations worldwide, including as fighters 3 (Henshaw 2016). Why do women become involved in non-state political violence? What are the reasons for non-state armed political groups to decide to involve 1 I use the terms 'political violence' and 'violent conflict' interchangeably, while acknowledging that there is a difference between 'political violence' and 'conflict' (Kalyvas 2006).2 When I speak of 'non-state armed groups' or 'non-state armed organisations', I mean non-state armed groups with a political agenda. This is to distinguish between non-state armed political groups and other non-state violent actors such as gangs or other criminal organisations which do not have any political aims. In the Lebanese context, non-state armed political groups involved in the Lebanese civil war are usually referred to as militias.3 I use the terms 'fighter' and 'combatant' interchangeably to describe individuals directly participating in combat. For individuals involved in supportive roles, I use the terms 'militant' or 'militia member'. There is often a grey area concerning fighters and civilians. For the purpose of this study, I do not consider individuals who are involved in one-off violent acts to be fighters.

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Women and Colonialism Across Africa

Adesina¹

2021

The Palgrave Handbook of African Women's Studies

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Women combatants and the liberation movements in South Africa

Cited by 15 publications

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Bridging theories of social and revolutionary movements

Bridging theories of social and revolutionary movements

Women, War and Political Violence

Women and Colonialism Across Africa

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