Words and Prosodic Phrasing in Lushootseed Narrative

Beck, David

doi:10.1075/cilt.174.03bec

Cited by 29 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…Werle (2004Werle ( , 2009 introduces the terms promote and promotion. 41 Beck (1999), in his analysis of Lushootseed, analyzes clitics that precede their hosts as "unincorporated", which is similar to our free clitic analysis of some Hu'q'umi'num' clitics. However, we see a four-way prosodic distinction amongst affixes, internal clitics, adjoined clitics, and free clitics, which is supported by their different phonological behavior.…”

Section: Prosodic Clitic Theorymentioning

confidence: 78%

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Halkomelem clitic types

Gerdts

Werle

2014

Morphology

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In the Salish language Halkomelem, there are numerous functional elements that we identify as clitics. In this study, we seek to improve our understanding of Halkomelem clitics by classifying them according to their syntactic and phonological properties. We look in particular at data from the Island dialect, called Hul'q'umi'num'.First, based on their patterns of syntactic placement, we classify Hul'q'umi'num' clitics into two general types, inner and outer. Inner clitics are more constrained in their placement than outer clitics. When they co-occur, inner clitics are closer to the host than outer clitics are. Second, we examine Hul'q'umi'num' clitics in terms of phonological integration, showing that clitics are less integrated than affixes, and, furthermore, that clitics that follow their hosts are more integrated than those that precede their hosts.Finally, we analyze the prosodic representations of Hul'q'umi'num' clitics within Prosodic Clitic Theory. We propose that clitics receive at least three different parses in Hul'q'umi'num', namely internal enclisis, adjoined proclisis, and free clisis. That is, clitics can be parsed at the right edge of a prosodic word, at the left edge of a recursive prosodic word, or directly by a phonological phrase. While Hul'q'umi'num' clitics exhibit a range of behaviors, those clitics with more constrained syntactic placement are generally more phonologically integrated, and vice-versa.

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Section: Prosodic Clitic Theorymentioning

confidence: 78%

“…See Kroeber (1992), Davis (1995), Jelinek (1996), and Bar-el et al (2004). For analyses of clisis in Salish languages, see Beck (1999) for Lushootseed and (Koch 2008) for Thompson. 12 Not all clitics co-occur with each other, but the overall ordering is surmised from allowable combinations.…”

Section: Second-position Cliticsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Halkomelem clitic types

Gerdts

Werle

2014

Morphology

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“…A small body of research has begun to address the dearth of documentation and analysis of prosody in NW languages. The majority of the acoustic research focuses on Salish languages: Barthmaier (2004) on Okanagan; Bates and Carlson (1989), Beck (1999), Beck and Bennett (2007), and Cook (2000) on Lushootseed; Benner (2004Benner ( , 2006, Leonard (2011) and Huijsmans (2015) on SENĆOŦEN; Thompson (2005, 2013) on Halkomelem; Oberg (2007) and Caldecott (2009) on St'át'imcets; Caldecott andCzaykowska-Higgins (2012, 2013a, b) on Nxaʔamxčín; Jacobs (2007) on Skwxwú7mesh; Koch (2008Koch ( , 2010Koch ( , 2011 on Nɬeʔkepmxcín; and Bianco (1996) and Gerdts and Werle (2014) on Hul'q'umi'num'. 3 In this spirit, this study examines yes/no questions and declaratives and reports on the results of the first study of intonation in St'át'imcets (Lillooet Salish; Northern Interior Salish).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

St’át'imcets intonation contours: a preliminary study

Caldecott

2016

Can. J. Linguist.

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Acoustic research on the prosody and intonation of Northwest Coast languages has until recently been under-researched. This paper joins the growing body of research on the subject and reports on the results of the first study of intonation in St’át'imcets (Lillooet Salish; Northern Interior Salish). It tests the generalization proposed by Davis (2007) that information structure is not correlated with prosody in Salish languages by comparing the intonation contours of declaratives and yes/no questions. Specifically, I ask two questions: is nuclear accent rightmost? And are yes/no questions associated with higher pitch, as predicted by the Universality of Intonational Meaning? Results are comparable to those reported for other Salish languages, namely Koch (2008, 2011) on Nɬeʔkepmxcín, Jacobs (2007) on Skwxwú7mesh and Benner (2004, 2006) and Leonard (2011) on SENĆOŦEN. Nuclear accent is associated with the rightmost stressed vowel, regardless of focus, and while no speaker signals yes/no questions with a final rise, each has higher pitch within typologically common parameters.

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“…To the best of my knowledge, no close parallels to the p-word-related problems of Limbu or Vietnamese have been explicitly reported for the Americas, but my own (admittedly preliminary) work on Mapudungun suggests that the Limbu situation (i.e., several p-wordlike units [Bickel and Zúñiga, forthcoming]) might be more easily found than hitherto assumed. Even though I have not yet seen Haspelmath's concerns subjected to close scrutiny, either in the typological or in the Americanist 26 I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer for drawing my attention to several such languagespecific studies: Crowel (1949) on Kiowa, Czaykowska-Higgins (1998) on Moses-Columbia Salish, Beck (1999) on Lushootseed, and Dyck (2009) on Cayuga. Russell (1999) is among the few studies with a cross-linguistic scope, and Aikhenvald (2002) deals with Tariana but explicitly proposes a comparative approach.…”

Section: Wordhood Domainsmentioning

confidence: 99%

On the Morphosyntax of Indigenous Languages of the Americas

Zúñiga

2017

International Journal of American Linguistics

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Boas (1917) mentioned several phenomena found in the morphosyntax of Amerindian languages (including nominal incorporation and lexical affixation) that posed challenges to accepted views of synchronic and typological issues raised by genealogical relatedness and areal convergence on the continent, morpheme classes like roots, stems, and affixes in languages in general, and whether the fundamental unit of human speech is the word or the sentence. A century later, and despite the increased amount of data available and a substantial amount of theorizing on morphosyntactic issues, these challenges have proved considerably recalcitrant. Framed in terms of morpheme types, word domains, and word classes, this article surveys the progress since Boas's introductory paper and examines open questions in the study of the morphosyntax of indigenous languages of the Americas.

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Words and Prosodic Phrasing in Lushootseed Narrative

Cited by 29 publications

References 9 publications

Halkomelem clitic types

Halkomelem clitic types

St’át'imcets intonation contours: a preliminary study

On the Morphosyntax of Indigenous Languages of the Americas

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