The Letters of David Hume, Vol. 2: 1766–1776 1932

DOI: 10.1093/oseo/instance.00219803

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XXX. From Lady Grizel Stanhope

J. Y. T. Greig¹

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“…171 According to Davy, these geology lectures were successful with 'very crowded audiences', 172 most of whom, according to Marianne Stanhope (1786-1862), were womenshe thought 'Mr Davy … very clever, his style is good, his matter interesting'. 173 The overall lecture programme had been organized by Bernard and its success prompted the Managers in early March 1805 to ask him to arrange the 1805-1806 season with the same eclectic mixture of topics. 174 It was agreed that Davy would deliver two courses on chemistry and one on modern history of science.…”

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confidence: 99%

Moving scientific knowledge from the laboratory to the theatre: Humphry Davy's Lecture practice at the Royal Institution, 1801–1812

James

2024

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During the first decade of the nineteenth century, it was (almost) universally acknowledged that Humphry Davy's lectures at the Royal Institution on chemistry, electro-chemistry and geology, among other subjects, were by far the most attractive scientific spectacle in London. Much has been written about the popularity, the fashionability, the attractiveness and the patriotism (in time of war) of Davy's lectures. When Davy, aged 22, arrived in London in March 1801 he had never previously delivered a lecture, but within two months he had made his mark in the Royal Institution's new large lecture theatre, so much so that he immediately repeated his first course. How did his experimental demonstrations, full of spectacular sensory experience (noise, smell, light, touch) convey his scientific rhetoric? What resources, material and human, did he draw on? In this paper I will seek to understand how Davy constructed his practice as a lecturer and how it related to his chemical researches. As well as using Davy's lecture notes (now available through the Davy Notebooks Project), I will draw on the notes taken by some of his auditors, their comments in diaries and letters as well as administrative records and contemporary newspaper accounts.

“…171 According to Davy, these geology lectures were successful with 'very crowded audiences', 172 most of whom, according to Marianne Stanhope (1786-1862), were womenshe thought 'Mr Davy … very clever, his style is good, his matter interesting'. 173 The overall lecture programme had been organized by Bernard and its success prompted the Managers in early March 1805 to ask him to arrange the 1805-1806 season with the same eclectic mixture of topics. 174 It was agreed that Davy would deliver two courses on chemistry and one on modern history of science.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Moving scientific knowledge from the laboratory to the theatre: Humphry Davy's Lecture practice at the Royal Institution, 1801–1812

James

2024

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

During the first decade of the nineteenth century, it was (almost) universally acknowledged that Humphry Davy's lectures at the Royal Institution on chemistry, electro-chemistry and geology, among other subjects, were by far the most attractive scientific spectacle in London. Much has been written about the popularity, the fashionability, the attractiveness and the patriotism (in time of war) of Davy's lectures. When Davy, aged 22, arrived in London in March 1801 he had never previously delivered a lecture, but within two months he had made his mark in the Royal Institution's new large lecture theatre, so much so that he immediately repeated his first course. How did his experimental demonstrations, full of spectacular sensory experience (noise, smell, light, touch) convey his scientific rhetoric? What resources, material and human, did he draw on? In this paper I will seek to understand how Davy constructed his practice as a lecturer and how it related to his chemical researches. As well as using Davy's lecture notes (now available through the Davy Notebooks Project), I will draw on the notes taken by some of his auditors, their comments in diaries and letters as well as administrative records and contemporary newspaper accounts.

“…It is clear that their apostasy was purposefully designed 'to produce a popular and striking affect'. 19 Even the day they chose to conform to Anglicanism, the 4 June 1780, had political significance: it coincided with George III's forty-second birthday, a date chosen to reinforce their conformity and allegiance to the King, Church and State.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Catholicism, Apostasy and Politics in Late Eighteenth-Century England: The Case of Sir Thomas Gascoigne and Charles Howard, Earl of Surrey

2010

Recusant History

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Apostasy among the English Catholic gentry in the late eighteenth century was not uncommon. In this period contemporary Catholic observers were concerned by what they perceived to be a great qualitative decrease of English Catholic gentry and they regarded apostasy as ‘a major and catastrophic cause of the decline’. Conformity to the established religion was a social virtue and was rewarded with social advantages; it was part and parcel of one's rise in the social scale and so was a great temptation for gentlemen outside the Anglican fold who were desirous of a service or parliamentary career. In almost every county in England many heads of old English Catholic families conformed. Indeed, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, of the twenty-four Catholic gentry families that existed in the Riding in. 1706 only twelve remained by 1780. Between the years 1754–1790 seven members of the House of Commons had renounced Roman Catholicism in order to pursue political careers and according to the contemporary Catholic priest Joseph Berington, by 1780 there were but 177 landed Catholic families in England ten of which had either died out or recently abjured their faith. Just a few conversions could have devastating consequences for Catholic communities. As David Butler points out, often ‘Catholic missions were over-dependent on the Catholic aristocracy and gentry for the continuance of Catholic worship’ and for Butler, in eighteenth-century London alone, if ‘just eight prominent families had apostatised … the Catholic missions would have lost about half of their numbers’.

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