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The present study tested 14‐month‐old monolingual infants (N = 64, 52% female, 75% Korean, and 25% American) in a looking‐time task adapted from previous referent identification research. In three experiments, Korean‐learning infants watched a speaker, who could only see one of two identical balls, ask a recipient, “gong jom jul‐lae?” (“Will you give me Ø ball?” because Korean lacks an article system). They expected the recipient to reach for the ball visible to the speaker, but not the one hidden from her, only when the speaker was introduced separately to facilitate perspective‐taking. Korean infants were also found to hold these expectations when the speaker said, “jeo gong jom jul‐lae?” (“Will you give me that ball?”), presumably because the added demonstrative “jeo” rendered the speech more informative. A group of American English‐learning infants performed similarly, but not as robustly as did their Korean peers, when the speaker requested “Give me that ball.” These findings shed new light on how infants use their emergent perspective‐taking and language skills to interpret a speaker's intended referent and expand the previous focus on English‐learning infants.
The present study tested 14‐month‐old monolingual infants (N = 64, 52% female, 75% Korean, and 25% American) in a looking‐time task adapted from previous referent identification research. In three experiments, Korean‐learning infants watched a speaker, who could only see one of two identical balls, ask a recipient, “gong jom jul‐lae?” (“Will you give me Ø ball?” because Korean lacks an article system). They expected the recipient to reach for the ball visible to the speaker, but not the one hidden from her, only when the speaker was introduced separately to facilitate perspective‐taking. Korean infants were also found to hold these expectations when the speaker said, “jeo gong jom jul‐lae?” (“Will you give me that ball?”), presumably because the added demonstrative “jeo” rendered the speech more informative. A group of American English‐learning infants performed similarly, but not as robustly as did their Korean peers, when the speaker requested “Give me that ball.” These findings shed new light on how infants use their emergent perspective‐taking and language skills to interpret a speaker's intended referent and expand the previous focus on English‐learning infants.
Causal explanations are central to cognitive development. Once considered beyond the grasp of young children, causal reasoning is now understood to be present in infants, driving curiosity and learning. The search for causal explanations underlying recurring patterns is evident in nonverbal forms. Causal explanations are diverse, varying in granularity, spanning different content domains, and encompassing both deterministic and probabilistic forms. These explanations support counterfactual reasoning, diagnostic thinking, and learning. The emergence of causal explanatory thought in infants is suggested by their responses to anomalies and by the development of exploratory behaviors. In the preschool years, children build upon early abilities to request, evaluate, and generate explanations. The decline of causal explanation-seeking in young schoolchildren can be dramatic and seems to arise from a convergence of social, cultural, and motivational factors. Overall, the development of causal explanations is essential to cognitive growth and mature understanding, with enduring influences on learning and reasoning.
Meta-analytic evidence indicates that the quality of the attachment relationship that infants establish with their primary caregiver has enduring significance for socioemotional and cognitive outcomes. However, the mechanisms by which early attachment experiences contribute to subsequent development remain underspecified. According to attachment theory, early attachment experiences become embodied in the form of cognitive-affective representations, referred to as internal working models (IWMs), that guide future behavior. Little is known, however, about the cognitive architecture of IWMs in infancy. In this article, we discuss significant advances made in the field of infant cognitive development and propose that leveraging insights from this research has the potential to fundamentally shape our understanding of the cognitive architecture of attachment representations in infancy. We also propose that the integration of attachment research into cognitive research can shed light on the role of early experiences, individual differences, and stability and change in infant cognition, as well as open new routes of investigation in cognitive studies, which will further our understanding of human knowledge. We provide recommendations for future research throughout the article and conclude by using our collaborative research as an example.
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