Youth Quotas, Diversity, and Long-Termism

Bidadanure, Juliana

doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198746959.003.0016

Cited by 24 publications

(9 citation statements)

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“…This is just one possible way of insulating policymaking-one that seeks to do so by screening out those who, like elected officials, are deemed more prone to short-termism. Alternatively, policymaking may be insulated by screening in or upgrading the power of those who presumably are future-friendlier, as Dobson (1996) and Bidadanure (2016b) have suggested, respectively, as to members of environmental associations and to the youth. On Dobson's much-discussed proposal, seats in parliament are reserved for representatives of future generations, who are elected among and by environmental activists.…”

Section: Insulating Devicesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Intergenerational Justice and Institutions for the Long Term

González‐Ricoy

2020

The Oxford Handbook of Time and Politics

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Institutions to address short-termism in public policymaking and to more suitably discharge our duties toward future generations have elicited much recent normative research, which this chapter surveys. It focuses on two prominent institutions: insulating devices, which seek to mitigate short-termist electoral pressures by transferring authority away to independent bodies, and constraining devices, which seek to bind elected officials to intergenerationally fair rules from which deviation is costly. The chapter first discusses sufficientarian, egalitarian, and prioritarian theories of our duties toward future generations, and how an excessive focus on the short term in policymaking may hinder that such duties be suitably fulfilled. It then surveys constraining and insulating devices, and inspects their effectiveness to address the epistemic, motivational, and institutional drivers of political short-termism as well as their intra- and intergenerational legitimacy.

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Section: Insulating Devicesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Intergenerational Justice and Institutions for the Long Term

González‐Ricoy

2020

The Oxford Handbook of Time and Politics

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“…A third alternative is to introduce youth quotas in parliament, such that young people function as proxies of future generations (Bidadanure, ; Tremmel, Mason, Godli, & Dimitrijoski, ). Although youth quotas are in place in some national parliaments, as in Morocco, where 30 seats are reserved for under 40 year olds, the global average age of parliamentarians (53) is well above the median age of global population (26) (Bidadanure, ). Securing a significant number of seats in parliament for young people (for instance, 10 % of seats for people under 30) has been advocated as a means to mitigate underrepresentation of unborn individuals on two assumptions, which we discuss below (Bidadanure, ; Karnein & Roser, ).…”

Section: Representation In Parliamentmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Although youth quotas are in place in some national parliaments, as in Morocco, where 30 seats are reserved for under 40 year olds, the global average age of parliamentarians (53) is well above the median age of global population (26) (Bidadanure, ). Securing a significant number of seats in parliament for young people (for instance, 10 % of seats for people under 30) has been advocated as a means to mitigate underrepresentation of unborn individuals on two assumptions, which we discuss below (Bidadanure, ; Karnein & Roser, ). The first is that the young have interests whose content is closer to those of future generations, for they will overlap with them more than the old will, and will be affected by long‐term policy consequences more than older people will.…”

Section: Representation In Parliamentmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A third alternative is to introduce youth quotas in parliament, such that young people function as proxies of future generations (Bidadanure, 2016;Tremmel, Mason, Godli, & Dimitrijoski, 2015). Although youth quotas are in place in some national parliaments, as in Morocco, where 30 seats are reserved for under 40 year olds, the global average age of parliamentarians (53) is well above the median age of global population (26) (Bidadanure, 2016).…”

Section: Parliamentary Committees Future Representatives and Youth Quotasmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Enfranchising the future: Climate justice and the representation of future generations

González‐Ricoy

Rey

2019

WIREs Climate Change

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Representing unborn generations to more suitably include future interests in today's climate policymaking has sparked much interest in recent years. In this review we survey the main proposed instruments to achieve this effect, some of which have been attempted in polities such as Israel, Philippines, Wales, Finland, and Chile. We first review recent normative work on the idea of representing future people in climate governance: The grounds on which it has been advocated, and the main difficulties that traditional forms of representation have encountered when applied to this particular case. We then survey existing institutional means to represent generations to come. We separate out representation in courts, in parliament, and by independent bodies, and review specific instruments including climate litigation, parliamentary commissions, future representatives, youth quotas, and independent offices for future generations. We examine the particular forms whereby each of these may suitably represent future people, including audience representation, surrogate representation, and indicative representation, and discuss the main challenges they encounter in so doing. This article is categorized under: Climate, Nature, and Ethics > Climate Change and Human Rights

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“…In light of this story, a number of particular mechanisms have been proposed for apportioning greater relative political influence to the young, including lowering the voting age (Piper 2020), weighting votes inversely with age (MacAskill 2019, Parijs 1998), disenfranchising the elderly (Parijs 1998), and instituting youth quotas in legislatures (Bidadanure 2016, MacKenzie 2016. 4 In what follows, I argue that merely apportioning greater political power to the young is unlikely to make states significantly less short-termist, but underexplored age-based mechanisms may be more successful.…”

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confidence: 99%

Empowering Future People by Empowering the Young

Tyler

2021

SSRN Journal

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A number of recent writers have argued that the obligations of modern states to people who will exist in the future may far outstrip their obligations to their present citizens, given the vast number of people who will exist in the future and whose livelihoods depend on our actions (Beckstead 2013, Greaves and MacAskill 2019, John 2020, Tarsney 2019. And yet modern states do precious little on behalf of future generations, choosing to allow and incentivize destructive practices such as the widespread burning of fossil fuels, while failing to take preventative measures that could deter global pandemics and other catastrophes.The state is plagued with problems of political short-termism: the excessive priority given to near-term benefits at the cost of future ones (González-Ricoy and Gosseries 2016B). By the accounts of many political scientists and economists, political leaders rarely look beyond the next 2-5 years and into the problems of the next decade.There are many reasons for this, from time preference (Frederick et al 2002, Jacobs and

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Youth Quotas, Diversity, and Long-Termism

Cited by 24 publications

References 0 publications

Intergenerational Justice and Institutions for the Long Term

Intergenerational Justice and Institutions for the Long Term

Enfranchising the future: Climate justice and the representation of future generations

Empowering Future People by Empowering the Young

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