Zero Anaphora and Grammatical Relations in Mandarin

Pu, Ming‐Ming

doi:10.1075/tsl.35.08pu

Cited by 66 publications

(17 citation statements)

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“…Wu and Tseng also suggest that the candidates collected in this way are also the candidates for the topic of a discourse because the antecedent to a zero anaphor is argued to be a topic, e.g. Huang (1984), Lee (2002), Pan (1997), Pu (1997), Tao (1994Tao ( , 1996 b. shifen bu gongping very not fair '(Laozhang thought that) it was not fair at all.' c. yushi shang qian xiang i zhu so go forward xiang i -help 'So, Laozhang stepped forward to xiang i -help (Xiaoli's opponent).…”

Section: An Sdrt Accountmentioning

confidence: 95%

“…Huang (1984), Lee (2002), Pu (1997), Tao (1993Tao ( , 1996, Wu and Tseng (2008), Chen (2001, 2003), etc.…”

Section: Non-reciprocal Xiang-verbsmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…ZA has been a popular issue in Chinese linguistics, e.g. Huang (1984), Lee (2002), Pu (1997), Tao (1993Tao ( , 1996, Wu and Tseng (2008), Chen (2001, 2003), etc. Wu and Tseng (2008) argue against Lee (2002) and Tao (1993Tao ( , 1996, and propose an SDRT approach to locate antecedents to zero anaphora in Mandarin.…”

Section: Resolution Of Anaphors Other Than Xiangmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Argument reduction and anaphora resolution: the case of xiang−verbs in Mandarin Chinese

2011

J East Asian Linguist

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In this paper, I discuss argument reduction and anaphora resolution of xiang-verbs in Mandarin Chinese. When xiang is prefixed to a verbal stem, one of the arguments of the verbal stem is absorbed, xiang functions as an anaphor replacing the absorbed argument and hence requires an antecedent. I argue that the argument reduction of xiang-verbs depends on the Thematic Role Hierarchy (Bresnan and Kanerva, Language 70:72-131, 1989; Bresnan, Linguistic Inq 20(1):10-50, 1993): the second highest role on the argument structure of a verbal stem to which xiang is attached, is absorbed. For anaphora resolution, I propose a non-subject constraint, Available Candidates for xiang, which includes a principle utilizing attachment sites of Segmented Discourse Representation Theory (for short, SDRT) to determine a set of candidates for the antecedent to xiang a last resort to include the speaker and addressee(s) in the set when there is no available candidate, and a pragmatic principle to select the most fitting one from the set of candidates to be the antecedent to xiang. And, I propose an SDRT account for the phenomena observed. I also discuss the reciprocity of xiang-verbs and suggest that reciprocal xiang-verbs and non-reciprocal xiang-verbs have the same origin. Furthermore, I demonstrate that the SDRT account argued in this paper can be extended to zero anaphora resolution (with some modification) and is, at least to a certain degree, applicable to the resolution of the third person singular anaphor ta 'he/she'.

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Section: An Sdrt Accountmentioning

confidence: 95%

“…Huang (1984), Lee (2002), Pu (1997), Tao (1993Tao ( , 1996, Wu and Tseng (2008), Chen (2001, 2003), etc.…”

Section: Non-reciprocal Xiang-verbsmentioning

confidence: 98%

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Argument reduction and anaphora resolution: the case of xiang−verbs in Mandarin Chinese

2011

J East Asian Linguist

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“…As is well known, zero anaphora is used pervasively in Chinese discourse (Chu, 1998;C. N. Li & Thompson, 1981;Pu, 1997). Some researchers (Y.…”

Section: Structural Distribution and Related Factorsmentioning

confidence: 96%

“…The semantic information of the head NP often dictates what syntactic role it would receive (DuBois, 1980(DuBois, , 1987Pu, 1997), and the semantic interpretation of the head NP in a given grammatical role determines, to a certain extent, what kind of RC construction would be selected to modify the NP and how often this construction would occur in discourse.…”

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confidence: 99%